Tuesday, June 22, 2010
மார்லன் பிராண்டோ – தி காட் ஃபாதர்
மார்லன் பிராண்டோவுக்கு அகாதமி அவார்ட் கிடைத்த பிரான்சிஸ் ஃபோர்ட் கப்போலாவின் தி காட் ஃபாதர் 1972 ஆம் ஆண்டு வெளியானது. அமெரிக்க நிழல் உலக சாம்ராஜ்யத்தில் இத்தாலி குடும்பங்களின் ஆதிக்கத்தை இதில் நுட்பமாக பதிவு செய்திருந்தார் கப்போலா.
மார்லன் பிராண்டோவுக்கு இதில் கார்லியோன் குடும்பத்தின் தலைவர் கதாபாத்திரம். விட்டோ கார்லியோன். நண்பர்களுக்கும், நிழல் உலக தாதாக்களுக்கும் அவர் காட் ஃபாதர். கார்லியோன் குடும்பத்தையும் சேர்த்து மொத்தம் ஐந்து மாஃபியா குடும்பங்கள் அமெரிக்காவின் நிழல் உலக வியாபாரத்தை கட்டுப்படுத்தின.
Mario Puzo 1961ல் எழுதிய தி காட் ஃபாதர் நாவலை தழுவி இந்தப் படத்தை எடுத்தார் கப்போலா. படத்துக்கான திரைக்கதையை மரியோவும், கப்போலாவும் இணைந்து எழுதினர். இத்தாலியிலுள்ள கார்லியோன் என்ற சிறிய கிராமத்தில் பிறந்தவர் விட்டோ கார்லியோன். இவரது தந்தை உள்ளூர் தாதா ஒருவருடனான மோதலில் கொல்லப்படுகிறார். அவரது சவ அடக்கத்தின் போது அதே தாதாவின் ஆட்களால் அவரது மூத்த மகனும் சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்படுகிறான். அந்த குடும்பத்தில் எஞ்சியிருப்பது தாயும், ஒன்பது வயது விட்டோ கார்லியோனும் மட்டுமே.
ஒன்பது வயது விட்டோ கார்லியோனால் எந்தப் பிரச்சனையும் வராது, அவனை ஒன்றும் செய்யாதீர்கள் என தாதாவிடம் முறையிடுகிறாள் விட்டோவின் தாய். மறுக்கிறார் தாதா. தனது உயிரைக் கொடுத்து தாய் மகனை காப்பாற்றுகிறாள். சிலரது உதவியினால் அமெரிக்காவுக்கு வந்து சேர்கிறான் சிறுவனான விட்டோ கார்லியோன்.
விட்டோ கார்லியோனின் இளமைப் பருவமும், அவர் படிப்படியாக அமெரிக்காவின் நிழல் உலகை கட்டுப்படுத்தும் டானாக உயர்வதும் காட் ஃபாதர் இரண்டாம் பாகத்தில் இடம்பெறுகிறது. இதில் இளவயது விட்டோ கார்லியோனாக நடித்திருந்தவர் ராபர்ட் டி நீரோ.
முதல் பாகத்தில் போதை மருந்து வியாபாரம் செய்ய வருகிறவன், விட்டோ கார்லியோனிடம் (மார்லன் பிராண்டோ) நிதி மற்றும் பாதுகாப்பு உதவிகளை கேட்கிறான். போதை மருந்து வியாபாரம் செய்வது தெரிந்தால் அரசாங்கத்தில் உள்ள தனது நண்பர்கள் உதவி செய்ய மாட்டார்கள் என மறுக்கிறார் பிராண்டோ. இதனைத் தொடர்ந்து பிராண்டோ கடைவீதியில் வைத்து சுடப்படுகிறார். மருத்துவமனையில் அவரை கொலை செய்ய நடக்கும் சதியை முறியடிக்கிறான், கடற்படையில் வீரனாக இருக்கும் அவரது இளைய மகன் மைக்கேல் (அல்பசினோ).
தொடர்ந்து நடக்கும் கேங் வாரில் தனது மூத்த மகனை இழக்கிறார் பிராண்டோ. உடல்நிலை காரணமாக தனது அதிகாரத்தை இளையமகன் மைக்கேலிடம் ஒப்படைக்கிறார். பிராண்டோவின் வயோதிகம் பேரக் குழந்தையுடன் கழிகிறது. வீட்டில் உள்ள உருளைக்கிழங்கு தோட்டத்தில் பேரனுடன் விளையாடும்போது அவரது உயிர் பிரிகிறது.
கேங்ஸ்டர் படங்களின் புதிய அத்தியாயம் தி காட் ஃபாதர் படத்திலிருந்து தொடங்குகிறது. கொலையை மட்டும் காட்சிப்படுத்தாமல் கொலைக்கான முகாந்திரம், மனநிலை, நிழல் உலக குடும்பங்களின் நிலைமை, அவர்களின் கொண்டாட்டங்கள், துக்கங்கள் என அனைத்தையும் நெருங்கி ஆராய்கிறது தி காட் ஃபாதர். விட்டோ கார்லியோன் கதாபாத்திரத்தை தனது அற்புதமான நடிப்பால் என்றும் அழியாத காவியமாக்கியிருந்தார் பிராண்டோ.
இந்தப் படத்தில் பிராண்டோவை நடிக்க வைப்பதற்காக ஏறக்குறைய ஒரு வருடம் காத்திருந்தார் கப்போலா. படத்தை தயாரித்த பாராமவுண்ட் ஸ்டுடியோ, பிராண்டோ கார்லியோன் கதாபாத்திரத்தில் நடிப்பதை ஏற்கவில்லை. அன்று ஹாலிவுட், ஸ்டுடியோக்களின் அதிகார கட்டுப்பாட்டுக்குள் இருந்தது. ஒரு திரைப்படத்தின் அனைத்து அம்சங்களையும் கட்டுப்படுத்தும் அதிகார மையமாக ஸ்டுடியோக்கள் விளங்கின. இயல்பிலேயே கலகக்காரரான பிராண்டோ இந்த அதிகாரத்துக்கு ஒருபோதும் கட்டுப்பட்டதில்லை. இதன் காரணமாக பிராண்டோவை தவிர்ப்பதற்கான அனைத்து முயற்சிகளையும் அன்றைய எல்லா ஸ்டுடியோக்களும் மேற்கொண்டன.
ஒருவருட நீண்ட போராட்டத்துக்குப் பின் கப்போலாவின் கோரிக்கையை பாராமவுண்ட் ஏற்றது. அப்போதும் அது ஒரு நிபந்தனை விதித்தது. படப்பிடிப்புக்குமுன் பிராண்டோ மேக்கப் டெஸ்ட்டுக்கு ஒத்துழைக்க வேண்டும். அறிமுக நடிகர்களுக்குதான் படத்தில் நடிப்பதற்குமுன் மேக்கப் டெஸ்ட் வைப்பார்கள். பிராண்டோவை அவமானப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்பதற்காக இந்த நிபந்தனையை பாராமவுண்ட் விதித்தது. அது எதிர்பார்த்தது போலவே இந்த நிபந்தனைக்கு பிராண்டோ ஒத்துக் கொள்ளவில்லை. கப்போலாவின் வேண்டுகோளை ஏற்று இறுதியில் பிராண்டோ மேக்கப் டெஸ்டுக்கு ஒத்துக் கொண்டார்.
ஸ்டுடியோவின் மேக்கப்மேனை தவிர்த்து தானே ஒரு மேக்கப்மேனை வரவழைத்து பஞ்சு உருண்டைகளை தாடையினுள் வைத்து கப்போலாவுக்காக காத்திருந்தார் பிராண்டோ. அவரது கெட்டப்பைப் பார்த்த ஸ்டுடியோ நிர்வாகிகளால் அதற்கு மேல் எதுவும் சொல்ல முடியவில்லை. பிராண்டோவை விட அந்த கதாபாத்திரத்துக்கு பொருத்தமானவர் யாருமில்லை என்பதை அந்த கெட்டப்பே அவர்களுக்கு உணர்த்தியது.
மார்லன் பிராண்டோ பிறந்தது அமெரிக்காவிலுள்ள நெப்ரஸ்காவில். வருடம் 1924 ஏப்ரல் 3ம் தேதி. அப்பாவின் மார்லன் பிராண்டோ என்ற பெயரையே மகனுக்கும் வைத்தனர். தாய், டோரதி ஜூலியா பென்னிபேக்கர். இவரொரு நடிகை. பிராண்டோவின் நடிப்பு மீதான காதல் அவரது அம்மாவிடமிருந்து தொடங்குகிறது.
பிராண்டோவின் 11வது வயதில் தாயும், தந்தையும் பிரிகிறார்கள். அம்மா, மற்றும் பாட்டியுடன் அவரது இளமைப் பருவம் கழிகிறது. பிராண்டோவின் தாய் பெரும் குடிகாரர். அவரது குடிப் பழக்கம் பிராண்டோவை சிறு வயதில் மிகவும் பாதித்தது.
நாடகத்திலிருந்தே சினிமாவுக்கு வந்தார் பிராண்டோ. அவரது முதல் படம் தி மென். ஐம்பதுகளில் எலியா கசன் இயக்கத்தில் வெளியான எ ஸ்ட்ரீட் கார் நேம்டு டிஸையர், ஆன் தி வாட்டர் பிரெண்ட் ஆகிய திரைப்படங்கள் பிராண்டோவை புகழின் உச்சிக்கு கொண்டு சென்றன. வாட்டர் ப்ரெண்டில் பிராண்டோவின் மெத்தட் ஆக்டிங் தமிழக ரசிகர்களையும் ஆகர்ஷித்தது. அசோகமித்ரன் போன்ற தமிழ் இலக்கியவாதிகள் பிராண்டோவின் நடிப்பு குறித்து வியந்து எழுதியுள்ளனர்.
சமூக நீதிக்கான போராட்டங்களில் தன்னையும் விரும்பி இணைத்துக் கொண்டார் பிராண்டோ. அதிகாரம் எந்த வடிவத்தில் வந்தாலும் அதனை எதிர்க்கும் குணம் அவரிடம் இருந்தது. அமெரிக்காவின் பூர்வ குடிகளான செவ்விந்தியர்கள் மூன்றாம் குடிகளைப் போல் நடத்தப்படுவதை அவர் கடுமையாக எதிர்த்தார். ஒரு பேட்டியின் போது கேள்வியாளர் கேட்ட கேள்விக்குப் பதிலளிக்காமல் செவ்விந்தியர்களைப் பற்றி தொடர்ந்து பேசிக் கொண்டிருந்தார் பிராண்டோ.
திறமையான இயக்குனர்களை தேடிப் பிடித்து அவர்களின் படங்களில் நடித்தார் பிராண்டோ. பெர்னார்டோ பெர்ட்லூசியின் லாஸ்ட் டாங்கோ இன் பாரிஸ் திரைப்படத்தில் நடித்ததைப் பற்றிக் குறிப்பிடும்போது, பெர்ட்லூசி படத்தில் என்ன சொல்ல வருகிறார் என்பது எனக்கு இன்றும் தெரியாது. ஆனால் ஏதோ முக்கியமான ஒன்றை அவர் சொல்லியிருக்கிறார் என்ற நம்பிக்கை இருக்கிறது என்றார். இந்தப் படத்தில் அப்பட்டமான உடலுறவுக் காட்சிகள் இடம்பெற்றன. அவை மிகப்பெரிய சர்ச்சையை கிளப்பியது. இந்தக் காட்சிகளுக்காகவே பல நாடுகளில் படத்துக்கு தடை விதிக்கப்பட்டது.
பெண்கள் விஷயத்தில் தானொரு ப்ளேபாயாக இருந்ததை பிராண்டோவே ஒப்புக் கொண்டிருக்கிறார். நாடகத்தில் நடிக்கும் போது, நாடகம் முடிந்ததும் பிராண்டோவைப் பார்ப்பதற்கு பெண்கள் மேடைக்கு பின்புறம் காத்திருப்பார்கள். தனது சுயசரிதையில், அப்படி காத்திருக்கும் பெண்களில் மிக அழகானவள் நான் வீட்டிற்கு திரும்பும்போது என்னுடைய பைக்கின் பின்புறம் அமர்ந்திருப்பாள் என்று எழுதுகிறார்.
பிராண்டோவுக்கு மூன்று மனைவிகள். அவர்களுக்குப் பிறந்தவர்கள் போக மூன்று குழந்தைகளை தத்தெடுத்துக் கொண்டார். அவரது ஹவுஸ்கீப்பருடன் ஏற்பட்ட உறவில் பிறந்தவர்கள் மூன்றுபேர். மர்லின் மன்றோவுடனான இவரது உறவு பிரசித்திப் பெற்றது. தானொரு ஓரினச் சேர்க்கையாளர் என்பதை வெளிப்படையாக அறிவித்திருந்தார் பிராண்டோ. இவையெல்லாம் அவர் ஒரு மோசமான நபர் என்ற பிம்பத்தை மக்களிடையே ஏற்படுத்தியிருந்தது.
உண்மையில், எந்த ஒழுக்க நியதிகளுக்குள்ளும் கட்டுப்படாமல் சுதந்திரமாக தனது வாழ்க்கையை அமைத்துக் கொள்ள முயன்றார் பிராண்டோ. தனது செயல்பாடுகளை மறைத்து போலியான மதிப்பீடுகளை உருவாக்க அவர் விரும்பவில்லை. மேலும், தன்னைப் பற்றி எவ்விதமான மதிப்பீடுகள் உருவாவதையும் அவர் வெறுத்தார்.
தன்னைப் பற்றிய அனைத்து விமர்சனங்களையும் தனது அற்புதமான நடிப்புத் திறமையால் கடந்தவர் பிராண்டோ. இன்றைய ஹாலிவுட்டின் மிகப் பெரும் நடிகர்களான அல்பசினோ, ராபர்ட் டி நீரோ போன்றவர்கள் பிராண்டோவால் இத்துறையில் ஊக்கம் பெற்றவர்கள். ஹாலிவுட் ஸ்டுடியோக்களின் இறுக்கமான அதிகார மையத்தை உடைத்த முதல் கலைஞன் அவர். மைக்கேல் ஜாக்சனுடன் தனது மரணம் வரை நல்ல நட்பை பேணினார் பிராண்டோ.
அபிரிதமான ரசிகர் செல்வாக்கு இருந்தபோதும் அவரது மனம் தடுமாறியதில்லை. தன்னை அளவுக்கதிகமாக நேசிக்கும் ரசிகர்கள் குறித்து பேசும்போது, ஒருவரை அளவுக்கதிகமாக நேசிப்பது என்பது அதே அளவுக்கு இன்னொருவரை வெறுப்பதுடன் தொடர்புடையது என்றார்.
நடிப்பின் இலக்கணமாக திகழ்ந்த மார்லன் பிராண்டோ 2004 ஜூலை ஒன்றாம் தேதி மரணமடைந்தார். கடந்த ஏப்ரல் 3ஆம் தேதி அவருக்கு 85 வது பிறந்தநாள்.
என்.எஸ்.கிருஷ்ணன் - சிரிக்க வைத்த சிந்தனையாளர்
நாகர்கோவில் சுடலைமுத்து கிருஷ்ணன் (என்.எஸ்.கே.) பிறந்தது கன்னியாகுமரி மாவட்டம் நாகர்கோவிலிலுள்ள ஒழுகினசேரி. அப்பா சுடலையாண்டி பிள்ளை, தாய் இசக்கியம்மாள். பிறந்த வருடம் 1908 நவ. 29 ஆம் நாள். ஏழு பேரில் இவர் மூன்றாவது பிள்ளை. வறுமை காரணமாக நான்காம் வகுப்புடன் படிப்பு தடைபடுகிறது.
என்.எஸ்.கே.-யின் ஆரம்ப நாட்கள் கடுமையானவை. காலையில் டென்னிஸ் கோர்ட்டில் பந்து பொறுக்கிப் போடும் வேலை. பிறகு மளிகைக் கடைக்கு பொட்டலம் மடிக்கச் செல்வார். மாலையில் நாடகக் கொட்டாயில் தின்பண்டங்கள் விற்பார். நாடகம் அவரை மிகவும் ஈர்த்தது. மகனின் விருப்பம் அறிந்த தந்தை ஒழுகினசேரியில் நாடகம் போட வந்த ஒரிஜினல் பாய்ஸ் கம்பெனியில் அவரை சேர்த்துவிடுகிறார். சிறுவனின் நாடக வாழ்க்கை ஆரம்பமாகிறது.
பாய்ஸ் நாடக கம்பெனியிலிருந்து டி.கே.எஸ். சகோதரர்களின் ஸ்ரீ பால சண்முகானந்தா நாடக சபையில் சேர்கிறார் கிருஷ்ணன். அங்கிருந்து பால மீனரஞ்சனி சங்கீத சபை. பல நாடக கம்பெனிகள் மாறினாலும் அவருக்கு டி.கே.எஸ். சகோதரர்களின் நாடக சபையே மனதுக்கு நெருக்கமாக இருக்கிறது.
ஒப்பந்தத்தை மீறி பால மீனரஞ்சனி சங்கீத சபையிலிருந்து வெளியேறி மீண்டும் ஸ்ரீ பால சண்முகனாந்தா நாடக சபையில் சேர்கிறார். இதனால் கோபமுற்ற பால மீனரஞ்சனி சங்கீதா சபை ஜெகன்னாத அய்யா, கிருஷ்ணன் மீது பணம் கையாடல் செய்ததாக காவல் நிலையத்தில் பொய்யாக புகார் தருகிறார். ஆலப்புழையில் நாடகத்தில் நடித்துக் கொண்டிருந்த கிருஷ்ணன் கைது செய்யப்படுகிறார்.
இந்த முதல் கைதுக்குப் பிறகு மீண்டும் ஒருமுறை காவல்துறையால் கைது செய்யப்பட்டார் கிருஷ்ணன். அந்த கைது தமிழ்நாட்டையே உலுக்கியது.
நாடகத்தில் பல பரீட்சார்த்த முயற்சிகளை கலைவாணர் மேற்கொண்டார். வில்லுப் பாட்டை நாடகத்தில் முதன் முதலாக புகுத்தியவர் இவரே. தேசபக்தி நாடகத்தில் காந்தி மகான் கதை என்ற பெயரில் வில்லுப் பாட்டை சேர்த்து காந்தியின் மது அருந்தாமை கொள்கையைப் பரப்பினார். இந்த நாடகத்தில் கலைவாணர் ராட்டையுடன் வரும் காட்சிக்காக நாடகம் தடைசெய்யப்பட்டது.
கிந்தனார் நாடகத்தில் பாகவதர் வேடத்தில் கலைவாணர் செய்யும் காலட்சேபம் பிரசித்திப் பெற்றது. அன்பே கடவுள் என்ற முகவுரையுடனே காலட்சேபம் தொடங்கும். இதில் கலைவாணர் எழுதிய ரயில் பாடல் குறித்து திராவிட நாடு பத்திரிகையில் கட்டுரை ஒன்று எழுதினார் அண்ணர். சாதி, மத ஏற்றத்தாழ்வை ரயில் இல்லாமல் செய்ததை அந்த பாடலில் குறிப்பிட்டிருந்தார் கலைவாணர்.
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கரும்புகையோடு வருகிற ரயிலே
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ரயிலே ரயிலே ரயிலே ரயிலே ரயிலே ரயிலே
மறையவரோடு பள்ளுப் பறையரை ஏற்றி மதபேதத்தை ஓழித்திட்ட ரயிலே.
நாடகத்தில் கலைவாணர் செய்த சாதனைகள் பல. திரைத்துறையில் காலடி வைத்த பிறகும் அவரது நாடகம் மீதான தாகம் குறையவில்லை. பிறருக்கு உதவுவதற்காகவே அவர் பலமுறை நாடகம் போட்டிருக்கிறார். நாடக கம்பெனி ஏதேனும் நொடித்துப் போனால் கலைவாணருக்கு சேதி வரும். அவர் சென்று ஒரு நாள் நடித்துவிட்டு வருவார். அந்த நாடகம் கலைவாணர் நடித்தார் எனபதற்காகவே மக்களிடம் வரவேற்பை பெறும்.
கலைவாணரின் திரை வாழ்க்கையை தொடங்கி வைத்த படம் எல்லீஸ் ஆர்.டங்கன் இயக்கிய சதிலீலாவதி. எஸ்.எஸ்.வாசன் எழுதி ஆனந்த விகடனில் தொடராக வெளிவந்த நாவலை தழுவி இப்படம் எடுக்கப்பட்டது. இந்தப் படம் கலைவாணருக்கு மட்டுமில்லாது பல ஜாம்பவான்களுக்கு அறிமுகப் படமாக அமைந்தது. எம்.ஜி.ஆர்., எம்.ஜி.சக்கரபாணி, டி.எஸ்.பாலையா, எம்.கே.ராதா, எம்.வி.மணி, கே.வி.தங்கவேலு ஆகியோர் இந்தப் படத்தின் மூலமாக திரையுலகுக்கு அறிமுகமானார்கள்.
தனது முதல் படத்திலேயே தனக்கான காட்சிகளை கலைவாணரே எழுதிக் கொண்டார். தமிழ் திரையில் நகைச்சுவைக்கென தனி ட்ராக் எழுதியவரும் அவரே. முதல் படம் சதிலீலாவதி என்றாலும் திரைக்கு முதலில் வந்த படம் மேனகா. இது கலைவாணர் நடித்து வந்த நாடகம். திரைப்படமாக எடுத்த போது நாடகத்தில் கலைவாணர் நடித்து வந்த சாமா அய்யர் வேடத்தை அவருக்கே அளித்தனர்.
சாமா அய்யர் கதைப்படி வில்லன். நாயகியை கடத்தி வந்து ஐயாயிரம் ரூபாய்க்கு விற்று விடுவார். அவருக்கு உடந்தையாக இருக்கும் தாசி கமலம், அவரிடமிருந்து பணத்தை அபேஸ் செய்ய சாமா அய்யரை மயக்கி பாட்டுப் பாடும் காட்சியும் படத்தில் உண்டு.
1935ல் எடுக்கப்பட்ட மேனகாவில் வில்லனாக காட்டப்பட்டவர் ஒரு அய்யர். ஆனால் இன்று...? அய்யர் என்றாலே அப்பாவிகள், அநீதியை கண்டு குமுறுகிறவர்கள். (அய்யர் என்றால் அக்மார்க் அம்மாஞ்சிகள் என்ற இன்றைய தமிழ் சினிமா கண்டுபிடிப்பு எப்படி நிகழ்ந்தது என்பது தனியே ஆராயப்பட வேண்டிய ஒன்று).
பாரதியார் பாடல்கள் முதலில் திரையில் ஒலித்தது ஏவி.எம். தயாரித்த படத்தில் என்று இன்றளவும் கூறப்படுகிறது. அந்த கருத்து தவறானது. திருப்பூர் சண்முகானந்தா டாக்கீஸ் தயாரித்து ராஜா சாண்டோ இயக்கத்தில் கலைவாணர் நடித்த மேனகா திரைப்படத்தில்தான் முதல்முதலாக பாரதியார் எழுதிய வாழ்க நிரந்தரம், வாழ்க தமிழ் மொழி, வாழிய வாழியவே பாடல் ஒலித்தது.
திரைத்துறைக்கு வரும் முன்பே நாகம்மை என்பவருக்கும் கலைவாணருக்கும் திருமணம் நடந்தது. நாகம்மை அவரது உறவுக்காரர். நடிக்க வந்த பிறகு உடன் நடித்த டி.ஆர்.ஏ.மதுரத்தை காதலித்து இரண்டாவதாக மணம்புரிந்து கொண்டார். (மதுரத்துக்குப் பிறந்த குழந்தை இறந்த பிறகு மதுரத்தின் சம்மதத்துடன் அவரது தங்கை வேம்புவை மூன்றாவதாக திருமணம் செய்து கொண்டார்). கிருஷ்ணன், மதுரம் ஜோடி திரையில் புகழ்பெறத் தொடங்கியது.
தனது முதல் திருமணத்தை மறைத்தே மதுரத்தை திருமணம் செய்து கொண்டார் கிருஷ்ணன். இது தெரிய வந்த பிறகு கிருஷ்ணனுடன் இணைந்து நடிப்பதை தவிர்த்தார் மதுரம். தியாகராஜ பாகவதரின் அம்பிகாபதி படத்தில் இருவரும் நடித்திருந்தாலும் இணைந்து நடிக்கவில்லை. ஆனால் இந்தப் பிரிவு அதிகநாள் நீடிக்கவில்லை. இருவரும் தனித்தனியாக நடித்தப் படங்கள் அவ்வளவாக வரவேற்பு பெறாததை உணர்ந்தவர்கள் மீண்டும் சேர்ந்து நடிக்கத் தொடங்கினர்.
கலைவாணரின் திரை ஆளுமையை வடிவமைத்ததில் பெரியாருக்கும், பா.ஜீவானந்தத்துக்கும் பெரும் பங்குண்டு. ஜீவானந்தம் கலைவாணரின் நெருங்கிய நண்பர். பெரியாரின் பிராமணருக்கு எதிரான கட்டுரைகள் கலைவாணரிடம் மிகுந்த தாக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்தின. தான் நடிக்கும் படங்களில் பகுத்தறிவு சிந்தனைகளை இயல்பாக சேர்த்துக் கொண்டார் கலைவாணர். பாகவதரின் பக்திப் படமான திருநீலகண்டர் படத்திலும் கடவுளை கிண்டல் செய்யும் பாடலை இடம்பெறச் செய்தார்.
இந்த இடத்தில் முக்கியமாக ஒன்றை குறிப்பிட வேண்டும். சிலரது நகைச்சுவையைப் போல் என்.எஸ்.கே.யின் நகைச்சுவை பிறரை காயப்படுத்துவதில்லை. ஹாஸ்யம் எப்படி இருக்க வேண்டும் என்பதைப் பற்றி எழுதிய அறிஞர் வ.ரா. “கிருஷ்ணன் பிறரைக் கேலி செய்யும் விதமே வினோதமாக இருக்கிறது. யாரை அவர் கேலி செய்து கிண்டல் பண்ணுகிறாரோ அவரும் சேர்ந்து சிரிக்கும்படியான விதத்தில் கிருஷ்ணன் கேலி செய்கிறார். பிறருடைய உள்ளத்தை குத்திப் பிளப்பதில்லை. அவர் பிறருடைய உள்ளத்தை விரியச் செய்கிறார்.” என்று எழுதுகிறார்.
1944 ஆம் ஆண்டு தமிழ் சினிமாவுக்கு மோசமான வருடம். 1944 நவ. 27 கலைவாணரின் இரண்டாவது கைது நடந்தது. இந்துநேசன் பத்திரிகையாசிரியர் லட்சுமிகாந்தன் கொலை வழக்கு தொடர்பாக கலைவாணரும், தியாகராஜ பாகவதரும் வேறு சிலரும் கைது செய்யப்பட்டனர். லட்சுமிகாந்தனின் இந்துநேசன் ஒரு மஞ்சள் பத்திரிகை.
பிரபல நட்சத்திரங்களை பற்றி கற்பனையான கிசுகிசுக்களை எழுதி பத்திரிகையை நடத்தி வந்தார் லட்சுமிகாந்தன். அவரது பேனா கொடுக்குக்கு இரையாகாமல் இருக்க பலரும் அவருக்கு பணம் கொடுத்து வந்தனர். கலைவாணர் பணம் கொடுக்க மறுத்தார். கலைவாணர் பற்றியும் பாகவதர் குறித்தும் தனது பத்திரிகைகளில் கற்பனையான பல கதைகளை எழுதி வந்தார் லட்சுமிகாந்தன்.
தங்களது நிரபராதித்துவத்தை நிரூபிக்க கலைவாணருக்கும், பாகவதருக்கும் பல வருடங்கள் பிடித்தது. சிறை மீண்டபின் பழைய உற்சாகத்துடன் திரை வாழ்க்கையைத் தொடங்கினார் கலைவாணர். கேரி கூப்பர் நடிப்பில் வெளிவந்த டெட்ஸ் கோஸ் டூ டவுன் படத்தை நல்லதம்பி என்ற பெயரில் மதுரம், எஸ்.வி.சகஸ்ரநாமம், பானுமதி ஆகியோருடன் இணைந்து தயாரித்தார். அண்ணா படத்தின் திரைக்கதையை எழுதிக் கொடுத்தார்.
இந்தப் படத்துக்குப் பிறகு கலைவாணருடன் அண்ணாவுக்கு மனஸ்தாபம் ஏற்பட்டது. கலைவாணர் வாங்கிக் கொடுத்த காரை அவர் திருப்பி அனுப்பினார். கலைவாணர் இயக்கிய முதல் படம் மணமகள். இன்றைய முதல்வர் கருணாநிதி படத்துக்கு வசனம் எழுதினார். நாட்டியப் பேரொளி பத்மினி அறிமுகமானதும் இந்தப் படத்தில்தான். கலைவாணர் இயக்கிய இன்னொரு படம் பணம்.
சொந்தமாக படம் தயாரிக்கத் தொடங்கிய பிறகு கலைவாணருக்கு வாய்ப்புகள் குறைந்தன. செலவு இருமடங்கானது. ஆனாலும், கலைவாணரைத் தேடி உதவி பெற்று செல்கிறவர்கள் குறையவில்லை. தன்னிடம் இல்லாதபோது பிறரிடம் கடன் வாங்கி உதவிகளைத் தொடர்ந்தார். இறுதிவரை அவரது உதவி செய்யும் குணத்தை தோல்விகளால் தடுக்க முடியவில்லை.
ஐம்பது வயதிற்குள் இதே புகழுடன் இறந்துவிட வேண்டும் என்று மதுரத்திடம் அடிக்கடி சொல்லிக் கொண்டிருப்பார் கலைவாணர். அதே போல் 1957 ஆம் ஆண்டு ஆகஸ்டு 30 ஆம் தேதி தனது 49வது வயதில் மரணத்தை தழுவினார் கலைவாணர்.
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ஒரு கலைஞனை எங்ஙனம் நினைவுகூர்வது என்பது இன்னும் நமக்கு கைவரப் பெறவில்லை. அவனது ஆளுமையின் சாராம்சத்தை புதிய தலைமுறைக்கு கொண்டு சேர்ப்பதில் நமக்கு எப்போதும் தோல்வியே பரிசாகியுள்ளது. கலைஞனை, அவனது ஆளுமையை ஒரு பொருட்டாக மதிக்காததின் விளைவுகள் இவை என்ற புரிதலும் நமக்கில்லை.
பிறந்தநாள் அன்று நினைவுக்கூட்டம், ஒரு நினைவுச்சின்னம், அதிகபட்சம் தபால்தலை என நமது சடங்குகள் ஒரு வட்டத்தைவிட்டு வெளியேறியதில்லை. கலைவாணரும் இந்த வட்டத்திற்குள் சிக்கிக் கொண்டுள்ளார்.
கலைவாணர் என்றதும் அவரது சிந்திக்க வைக்கும் சிரிப்புக்கு முன்னால் நினைவுக்கு வருவது அவரது வள்ளல் குணம். பெரும்பாலான கலைஞர்களின் தனிப்பட்ட வாழ்க்கை பிறருக்கு உதாரணமாக இருப்பதில்லை. கலைவாணர் விதிவிலக்கு.
“என்னிடம் வந்து சேரும் பணத்துக்கும், பணக்காரர்களிடம் வந்து சேரும் பணத்துக்கும் வித்தியாசம் உண்டு. என் பணம் ஏழைகளுக்கு உதவும், பணக்காரர்களின் பணம் ஏழைகளை உறிஞ்சத்தான் உதவும்.” சொன்னது போலவே வாழ்ந்து காட்டினார். அதுதான் கலைவாணர்.
இந்த உதாரண குணத்தை இளைய தலைமுறை அறிய செய்திருக்கிறோமா என்றால் இல்லை. பாரியையும், கோரியையும் பள்ளியில் சொல்லிக் கொடுப்பது நல்லதுதான். அத்துடன் திருட வந்தவனை திருடன் என்று மனைவியிடம்கூட சொல்லாமல் தன்னுடைய நாடகத்தில் வேலை பார்ப்பவன் என்று கூறி அவன் தேவைக்கு பணம் கொடுத்து உதவிய கலைவாணரையும் சொல்லிக் கொடுப்பதுதானே நியாயம்.
மருத்துவமனையில் மரணப்படுக்கையில் இருக்கும்போதும், கட்டுகட்டாக பணம் வைத்துச் சென்ற எம்.ஜி.ஆரிடம், சில்லரையாக வைத்தால் இங்கிருப்பவர்களுக்கு பகிர்ந்து கொடுப்பேனே என்று சொன்னவரின் கதை சிறார்களிடம் பதிய வைக்க வேண்டிய ஒன்றல்லவா.
சிறைக்கு சென்றுவந்த பிறகுதான் பம்மல் சம்பந்த முதலியார் அவருக்கு கலைவாணர் என்ற பட்டத்தை அளித்தார். ஏன்? அவரது வள்ளல் குணத்துக்கு முன்னால் சிறையும் சரி, தண்டனையும் சரி மாசு கற்பிக்க முடியவில்லை. உங்களுடைய கொள்கை என்ன என்று ஒருமுறை கேட்டதற்கு சுயமரியாதை என்று பதிலளித்தார் கலைவாணர். அவரது கொள்ளை சுயமரியாதை என்றால் அவரது குணம் அன்பு செய்வது.
இந்த இரண்டின் பிரதிபலிப்புதான் அவரது நாடகங்களும், சினிமாவும். இதுதான் அந்த கலைஞனின் சாராம்சம்... நினைவுச்சின்னம், நினைவுத் தபால்தலை போன்ற மரபான சடங்குகளால் கௌரவிக்க முடியாத கலைவாணர் என்ற மாமனிதனின் சாராம்சம்.
சிட்டி லைட்ஸ் - வாழ்வின் பேரதிசயம்
சார்லி சாப்ளினின் கலை உச்சங்களில் ஒன்று சிட்டி லைட்ஸ். படத்தின் ஒரு ப்ரேம்கூட தேவையற்றது என ஒதுக்க முடியாத அளவுக்கு கச்சிதமான படைப்பு. அர்த்தமின்றி நகரும் வாழ்வின் பேரதிசயம் எதிர்பார்ப்பில்லாத அன்பில் மறைந்திருக்கிறது என்பதை கலாபூர்வமாக சொல்கிறது சிட்டி லைட்ஸ்.
சார்லி சாப்ளின் வீடில்லாத நகரத்தின் நாடோடி. ரொட்டிக்கான தினசரி தேடுதல் வேட்டையில் ஒருநாள் தெரு ஓரம் பூ விற்கும் கண் தெரியாத இளம்பெண்ணை சந்திக்கிறார். சாப்ளின் ஒரு பணக்கார கனவான் என அந்தப் பெண் நினைக்கும்படி அந்த சந்திப்பு அமைந்து விடுகிறது.
அன்றிரவு தற்கொலைக்கு முயலும் செல்வந்தர் ஒருவரை சாப்ளின் காப்பாற்றுகிறார். தனது வீட்டிற்கு சாப்ளினை அழைத்துச் செல்லும் செல்வந்தர், இனி தற்கொலைக்கு முயல்வதில்லை என உறுதி அளிக்கிறார். இருவரும் சொகுசு ஹோட்டல் ஒன்றில் ஆட்டம் பாட்டத்துடன் அன்றிரவை கழிக்கிறார்கள்.
மறுநாள் செலவந்தரின் வீட்டருகில் அந்த கண் தெரியாத இளம் பெண்ணை மீண்டும் சந்திக்கிறார் சாப்ளின். செல்வந்தரின் காரில் அவளை அவளது வீட்டிற்கு அழைத்துச் செல்கிறார். தனிமையும், வறுமையும் நிறைந்த அவளின் வாழ்க்கை சாப்ளினுக்கு தெரிய வருகிறது.
இதனிடையில் செல்வந்தருடனான சாப்ளினின் சந்திப்பு தொடர்ந்து கொண்டிருக்கிறது. போதையில் சாப்ளினுடன் நண்பராக அன்னியோன்யத்துடன் பழகுகிறவரால், போதை தெளிந்த பின் அதனை நினைவு வைத்துக் கொள்ள முடிவதில்லை. சாப்ளினை வீட்டை விட்டு துரத்துகிறார். நமது நாடோடிக்கோ அது ஒரு பொருட்டாக இருப்பதில்லை.
பார்வையற்ற பெண் பல மாதங்களுக்கான வாடகை பாக்கி தர வேண்டியிருக்கிறது. இரண்டு நாளில் அதனை தர இயலாதபட்சத்தில் வீட்டை காலி செய்தாக வேண்டும். தனது ஏழ்மையை நினைத்து அழும் அவளை சாப்ளின் தேற்றுகிறார். கண் தெரியாதவர்களுக்கு பார்வை தரும் மருத்துவரை பற்றி பத்திரிகையில் வந்திருக்கும் செய்தியை படித்துக் காட்டும் அவர், வாடகை பணத்தை தானே தந்துவிடுவதாக உறுதி அளிக்கிறார்.
நமது நாடோடிக்கு இப்போது பணம் தேவை. அதிகமாக அதுவும் குறுகிய காலத்தில். குத்துச் சண்டை போட்டியில் தன்னுடன் மோதினால் பரிசுத் தொகையில் சரிபாதியை தந்து விடுவதாக கூறுகிறான் ஒருவன். நம்பிப் போனால் நிஜ குத்துச் சண்டை வீரனுடன் மோத வேண்டியதாகி விடுகிறது. அப்படியும் நம்பிக்கை இழக்காமல் இரவு நகரத்தை ரோந்து வரும் வேளையில் போதை செல்வந்தர் சாப்ளினை அடையாளம் கண்டு கொள்கிறார். வழக்கம்போல் வீட்டிற்கு அழைத்து செல்பவர் கண் தெரியாத பெண்ணின் சிகிச்சைக்கு ஆயிரம் டாலர் தருகிறார்.
அதேநேரம் செல்வந்தரின் வீட்டிற்குள் பதுங்கியிருக்கும் திருடர்கள் தப்பித்து ஓடுகிறார்கள். போலீசை அழைக்கும் சாப்ளின் பணத்துடன் மாட்டிக் கொள்கிறார். செல்வந்தருக்கு சாப்ளினையோ, அவருக்கு பணம் கொடுத்ததோ நினைவில் இல்லை. சாப்ளினை திருடன் என முடிவு செய்கிறது போலீஸ். அவர்களிடமிருந்து பணத்துடன் தப்பிக்கிறார் சாப்ளின். கண் தெரியாத பெண்ணிடம் பணத்தை ஒப்படைத்து திரும்பும் வழியில் சாப்ளினை போலீஸ் கைது செய்து சிறையில் அடைக்கிறது.
கிழிந்த உடையும், கலங்கிய மனதுமாக இப்போது சாப்ளின் ஒரு பிச்சைக்காரனுக்குரிய தோற்றத்தில் இருக்கிறார். தெருவில் நடந்துவரும் அவரை சிறுவர்கள் கேலி செய்கிறார்கள். சுற்றிலும் உள்ளவர்கள் பரிகாசத்துடன் சிரிக்கிறார்கள். வேதனையுடன் திரும்பும் சாப்ளின் அப்படியே நின்றுவிடுகிறார். அவர் முன்னால் அந்த பூ விற்கும் பெண். அவளது தோற்றம் இப்போது சீமாட்டியைப் போல் மாறியிருக்கிறது. இப்போது அவள் தெருவில் பூ விற்கவில்லை. அவளுக்கென்று சொந்தமாக கடை இருக்கிறது.
சாப்ளினை பிச்சைக்காரன் என்று நினைக்கும் அவள், அவருக்கு பணம்தர முயல்கிறாள். சாப்ளின் வாங்க மறுக்கிறார். அவள் வலுக்கட்டாயமாக அவரது கையை பிடித்து தரும்போது அந்த ஸ்பரிசம் அவர் யார் என்பதை அவளுக்கு உணர்த்திவிடுகிறது. கண்ணீர் மல்க காதலர்கள் பார்த்துக் கொள்வதுடன் படம் நிறைவடைகிறது.
சாப்ளினின் அனைத்து திரைப்படங்களிலும் சமூக அவலங்களுக்கெதிரான விமர்சனத்தை காண முடியும். மனை திரைப்படத்தில் தெருவில் நடந்து வருவார் சாப்ளின். மாடியில் வசிப்பவர்கள் கொட்டும் குப்பை அவர் மீது விழும். மேலே பார்த்துவிட்டு நகர்ந்து செல்வார் சாப்ளின். சற்று துhரத்தில் வீதியின் ஓரம் குழந்தை ஒன்று அனாதையாக கிடக்கும். அதைப் பார்த்ததும் மேலே அண்ணாந்து பார்ப்பார். குப்பையை போல அந்த குழந்தை தெருவில் வீசப்பட்டிருப்பது அந்த மவுனமான ஒற்றை பார்வையில் வெளிப்படும்.
சிட்டி லைட்ஸ் படத்தின் முதல் காட்சியும் ஏறக்குறைய இப்படியொரு விமர்சனத்துடனே ஆரம்பமாகிறது. நகரத்தின் மேட்டுக்குடியினர் அமைதிக்காக திறக்கும் சிலையில் நிம்மதியாக தூங்கிக் கொண்டிருப்பார், சாப்ளின். அமைதிக்காக அவர்கள் திறக்கும் சிலையால் சாப்ளினின் இரவு தங்கும் இடம் பறிபோகிறது.
அதிகாரத்தை அது எந்த வடிவத்தில் இருந்தாலும் எதிர்ப்பவர் சாப்ளின். அவரது படங்களில் போலீஸ்காரர்கள் அதிகாரத்தின் குறியீடாகவே காட்டப்படுகிறார்கள். ஹிட்லரை கண்டு உலகமே பயந்திருந்த நேரம், தி கிரேட் டிக்டேக்டர் படத்தில் ஹிட்லரை துணிச்சலாக விமர்சித்தவர் சாப்ளின். எந்திரமயமாகி வரும் உலகில் மனிதன் எந்திரங்களின் அடிமையாகும் அபாயத்தை விளக்குகிறது, மாடர்ன் டைம்ஸ்.
சிட்டி லைட்ஸில் சாலையை கடக்கும் சாப்ளின், மோட்டர் சைக்கிளில் இருக்கும் போலீஸ்காரரை தவிர்க்கும் பொருட்டு பக்கத்தில் நிற்கும் காரினுள் புகுந்து சாலையின் மறுபுறம் உள்ள நடைபாதைக்கு வருவார். அவர் கார் கதவை திறக்கும் சத்தத்தை வைத்தே அவர் ஒரு செல்வந்தர் என்ற முடிவுக்கு வருகிறாள் தெருவில் பூ விற்கும் அந்த கண் தெரியாத இளம் பெண்.
சாப்ளினின் திரைப்படங்களில் மனிதர்களின் உளவியல் துல்லியமாக சித்தரிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும். சிட்டி லைட்ஸில் செல்வந்தரின் வேலைக்காரன் சாப்ளின் மீது சதா வெறுப்பை காட்டுகிறான். சமூக அந்தஸ்தில் தன்னைவிட தாழ்ந்த ஒருவனுக்கு பணிவிடை செய்ய நேர்ந்த சாமானியனின் வெறுப்பு அது.
அதேபோல் தெருவில் சாக்கடையை சரி செய்கிறவன் குழிக்குள் இருக்கும் போது அவனிடம் எதிர்த்து பேசும் சாப்ளின் அவன் வெளியே வந்ததும் அவனது உயரத்தைப் பார்த்து பின்வாங்குவார். எளியோனை வலியோன் அடக்க நினைக்கும் அனைத்து இடங்களிலும் பொருத்திப் பார்க்க தகுந்த காட்சி அது. நாம் மேலே பார்த்த காட்சிகள் அனைத்தும் படத்தில் கண் இமைக்கும் நேரத்தில் வந்து செல்பவை என்பது முக்கியமானது.
சிட்டி லைட்ஸின் ஒவ்வொரு பிரேமையும் இப்படி தனித்தனியாக வியந்து சொல்ல இயலும். மேலும், நகரத்தின் நாடோடியான ஒருவனின் அர்த்தமில்லா வாழ்க்கையை எதிர்பார்ப்பில்லாத அன்பு அர்த்தம் மிகுந்ததாக்கி விடுவதையும் சொல்கிறது சாப்ளினின் இந்தப் படம்.
எதிர்பார்ப்பில்லாத அன்புதானே மானுட வாழ்வின் பேரதிசயம்.
Tuesday, March 16, 2010
இந்தியன் எகோநோமி ஓவர்விஎவ்
Macroeconomic Overview
1. The Economic Survey 1995-96 noted that India recorded one of the fastest recoveries from a macroeconomic and balance of payments crisis. It also stated that the growth achieved in the post-crisis period was a noteworthy achievement by international standards and was more sustainable than the growth in the immediate pre-crisis period. Data which has become available since then shows an even more buoyant outcome (Table 1). Overall economic growth of GDP at factor cost, after rising to 6.3 per cent in 1994-95, accelerated further to 7 per cent in 1995-96. More remarkably, this is the first time that a growth rate of this magnitude was not due to exceptional agricultural growth. Since 1970-71, there have been only five years in which the growth rate reached or exceeded 7 per cent. Every one of these years was associated with a growth rate of 10 per cent or higher in the agriculture, forestry and fishing sector. In 1995-96, not only was the growth of this sector low, at 2.4 per cent, it was lower than the average growth of the agriculture and allied sectors over the nineties. The high growth was therefore due mainly to the 11.7 per cent growth of industry and construction sector and the 7 per cent growth of the services sector (Table 2). Overall economic growth during the first four years of the Eighth Plan averaged 5.9 per cent per annum, a rate significantly higher than the Plan target of 5.6 per cent.
2. Industrial production grew by 12.4 per cent during April 1995 to February 1996, while agricultural crop production is estimated to have grown by only 0.9 per cent. The decline in foodgrain production by 0.4 per cent in 1995-96, coupled with high levels of open market sales, has reduced public food stocks from a record level of 35.6 million tonnes in July 1995 to 22.7 million tonnes in April 1996. At this level, food stocks are 50 per cent larger than the prescribed buffer stock norms. However, the watchword must be prudent and cautious management. On the inflation front, the resurgence of inflationary pressure in 1994-95 was significantly reversed in 1995-96. Inflation, as measured by the WPI, dropped from a high of about 12 per cent in January 1995 to a low of 4.2 per cent (provisional) on June 22, 1996. The recent increase in administered prices of petroleum products is likely to result in a one time jump in the rate of inflation, with a gradual tapering off to the underlying inflation rate.
3. The economic reforms have led to a marked and favourable turnaround in the performance of the external sector since the crisis of 1991. Highlights include:
1. a strong and sustained recovery in export growth;
2. a pronounced rise in the ratio of exports to imports from the level prevailing at the turn of the decade;
3. a substantial decline in the current account deficit as proportion of GDP from the unsustainable level of 3.2 per cent in 1990-91;
4. strong growth in foreign direct investment flows since 1991-92 and in foreign portfolio investment flows since 1993-94; and
5. an increase in foreign currency reserves from $2.2 billion in March 1991 to over $20 billion in March 1995 which, however, declined to $17 billion in March, 1996.
However, during 1995-96, though export growth remained buoyant at 21 per cent in dollar terms, the balance of payments came under some pressure from the continued surge in import growth (which had started in 1994-95), a substantial decline in portfolio investment flows in the form of GDRs and a sizeable increase in debt service payments on liabilities accumulated in earlier years.
4. During April-May 1996, both export and import growth have slowed from last year's pace. Exports grew by 14.4 per cent, in dollar terms, over the corresponding period of 1995, while imports grew by 23.4 per cent (DGCI&S data). The recent aggregate import growth figures, however, mask two potential trends, one positive and the other negative. While non-POL import growth at about 17.2 per cent in the first two months of 1996-97 is about half that for the corresponding period of last year, POL growth has almost tripled to 47.6 per cent. This is at least partly attributable to non-adjustment of domestic oil prices for two and a half years, delays in decontrol of energy prices and lack of fair and transparent procedures for entry of private producers in the energy sector. The apparent slowdown in the growth of exports is also a cause for concern. However, foreign investment flows have remained buoyant, with net FII inflows exceeding $1 billion in the first quarter of 1996-97. Foreign currency reserves have risen from $17.0 billion at the end of March 1996 to $17.5 billion at the end of June 1996.
5. Though no official estimates are as yet available on savings and investment performance during 1995-96, there are some early indications of likely trends. The continued high growth in capital goods production, the acceleration in the growth of cement production and the higher growth of capital goods imports in 1995-96 suggests that private fixed investment continued to grow strongly in 1995-96. Data on aggregate savings performance is not available and the indications regarding net flow of savings through the financial system is somewhat mixed. While there was continued substantial growth of commercial bank credit to the non-food commercial sector, and gross disbursements by development financial institutions also recorded a sizeable increase of 18 per cent, the amount of capital raised through the primary market issues declined by as much as 24 per cent in 1995-96 and inflows through GDRs were low.
6. The expansion in bank credit to the commercial sector would have been higher but for the continued high levels of borrowing required by the Central Government to finance its fiscal deficit, which exceeded the budget estimate of Rs.57,634 crores and rose to Rs.64,010 crores (RE) in 1995-96. The buoyant demand for investible funds by the private sector combined with continued strong need for borrowings by Government ensured that nominal interest rates remained high despite the decline in the rate of inflation observed during 1995-96. Thus, by the end of the last fiscal year, although the point-to-point rate of annual inflation had dropped below 5 per cent, most banks were still lending to prime customers at interest rates in the range of 17 to 20 per cent. Sooner or later such high real interest rates (in excess of 12 per cent) are likely to hurt the growth of investment and production. The only way to ease the availability of investible funds to producers and investors without risking the resurgence of inflation and pressure on the external sector is to reduce the borrowing requirements of Government, that is, the fiscal deficit.
7. There are also some indications that the slow pace of economic reform in key government-dominated infrastructure sectors, such as electric power, and unresolved problems and constraints in the agricultural sector could undermine the recent pattern of accelerating aggregate economic growth. Since the latter part of 1995-96 and including the first two months of 1996-97, the rate of growth of electricity production has been slowing. The rail and road transport system and port capacities are also under strain. These are areas where economic reforms have been slow to take-off. Similarly, the growth of agriculture and allied sectors which was on the low side at 2.4 per cent in 1995-96, is projected again at 2.3 per cent by CSO for 1996-97 even assuming a normal monsoon. Sustained acceleration in overall GDP growth requires an acceleration in agricultural growth to around 4 percent per year.
8. In a nutshell, sustaining the high growth trajectory attained in the last two years will require compression of the fiscal deficit, quick reforms in critical infrastructure areas, reinvigoration of agricultural growth and continued strength in the external sector.
9. Growth of agricultural crop production, which averaged over 4 per cent per annum during 1992-93 to 1994-95, slowed to 0.9 per cent in 1995-96. Foodgrains production which had risen to a new peak of 191.1 million tonnes in 1994-95 may also be marginally lower at 190.4 million tonnes in 1995-96, because of a decline in wheat output. Public food stocks which peaked at a high of 35.6 million tonnes in July 1995, declined because of open market sales by the Food Corporation of India. In April 1996, at 22.7 million tonnes, they remain, however, over 50 per cent larger than the buffer stock norm. Reform of customs tariffs, trade policy and the exchange rate system have substantially reduced the bias against agriculture and thus improved the relative profitability of agriculture. More directly, increases in procurement and minimum support prices of foodgrains and freeing of some controls on domestic and international trade in agricultural commodities have improved incentives and widened the opportunities open to farmers. During the year 1995-96, 5.6 million tonnes of rice were exported. All this has contributed to an improvement in the terms of trade for agriculture. Studies by the Commission on Agricultural Cost and Prices show that the index of terms of trade (with base 1969-72) improved significantly from 89.9 in 1990-91 to 98.7 in 1994-95.
10. Investment in agriculture remains an area of concern and could be a significant part of the explanation for the recent growth slowdown. Though improved incentives for the agricultural sector as a whole have played a role in generating an average growth in crop production of 3.4 per cent per annum during the past four years, the slowdown of production growth to 0.9 per cent in 1995-96, despite a normal monsoon, is a cause for concern.
11. One significant problem confronting agriculture, namely the distorted pattern of farmgate prices for three kinds of fertilizer (nitrogenous, phosphatic and potassic) was addressed in early July, 1996 through increases in the subsidy (per tonne) of phosphatic and potassic fertilizers. This should help in moving the NPK application pattern from the current distorted ratio of 9:3:1 towards the more ideal pattern of 4:2:1.
12. The strength of industrial growth throughout 1995-96 has been confirmed by data which has become available since the Economic Survey 1995-96 was written. The acceleration in growth has been maintained, with the growth of 9.3 per cent in 1994-95 followed by 12.4 per cent during 1995-96 (April-February, over corresponding period of the previous year). The capital goods sector maintained its position as an important contributor to the industrial surge with a growth rate of 20.4 per cent during 1995-96 (April-February), on top of the 1994-95 growth of 24.9 per cent (Table 3). Industrial growth has not only been high during the last two years but has also been broad-based. In 1994-95, the growth of 9.3 per cent in the general index of industrial production (IIP) was due to a growth of 9.7 per cent in manufacturing, 8.5 per cent in electricity generation and 7.3 per cent in mining and quarrying. During April-February, 1995-96, overall growth of 12.4 per cent was due to a growth of 13.9 per cent in manufacturing, 8.3 per cent in electricity and 7.4 per cent in mining. A similar growth profile is mirrored in the "use-based classification", where this overall growth in April-February, 1995-96 has come from a 20.4 per cent growth in capital goods, 12.9 per cent growth in consumer goods, 9 per cent growth in basic goods and 10.3 per cent in intermediate goods.
13. Though the performance of the core sector, which was quite satisfactory during 1994-95, has been sustained in 1995-96, a few areas of potential concern have emerged. In 1995-96 electricity, coal, steel, cement, crude oil and petroleum products, with a combined weight of 28.8 per cent in IIP, showed a growth rate of 7.7 per cent, compared with 7.8 per cent in 1994-95 (Table 4). Electricity generation grew by 8.2 per cent, crude oil by 7.2 per cent, coal by 6.4 per cent, saleable steel by 8.9 per cent and cement by 11.2 per cent. The rates of growth of coal and cement have accelerated, while those of electricity and crude oil have declined, in both 1995-96 and 1996-97 (April-May). The IIP for electricity generation shows a sharp drop in annual (point-to-point) growth from August-September 1995 onwards, dropping to 5.1 per cent in the third quarter of 1995-96, but recovering marginally to 5.8 per cent in January-February 1996. Electricity generation has continued to decline in 1996-97, with only a 3.6 per cent growth in April-May 1996. Though the deceleration of growth in 1995-96 and 1996-97 is due primarily to reduced hydro-electric generation (-12.5 per cent and -16.2 per cent respectively), this again points to the urgency of power sector reform. Crude oil production actually declined by 7.7 per cent in April-May 1996-97 over the corresponding period of 1995-96. Infrastructure sectors not included in the IIP showed satisfactory performance in 1995-96, with new telephone connections growing by 20.8 per cent, cargo handled at major ports by 9 per cent and revenue generating traffic of the railways by 7 per cent. During 1996-97 (April-May), the growth rates of these sectors have been 16.1 per cent, 11.1 per cent and 7.4 per cent, respectively.
14. Monetary management in 1995-96 achieved the twin objectives of reducing the annual inflation rate and providing credit support for production. Money supply (M3) growth was reduced to 13 per cent in 1995-96 (from 22.3 per cent in 1994-95) taking March 31, 1995 as the base1. The slower monetary expansion is partly attributable to the higher base but also to the unusually slow growth in bank deposits and partly to the decline in reserve money growth to 14.8 per cent (from 22.1 per cent in 1994-95). This deceleration occurred despite a sharp expansion in net RBI credit to Central Government by 25.1 per cent. As a result of rising private demand for credit, banks which had an excess (over SLR requirements) holding of Government and other approved securities, contributed only Rs.14,766 crores to the market borrowing of the Government compared to a contribution of Rs.16,323 crores in 1994-95. This necessitated sizable support by the RBI to market borrowing of the Government, which, in turn, increased the growth of net RBI credit to the Centre. The resulting growth in reserve money would have been much higher but for the reduction in net foreign assets of the RBI associated with the $3.8 billion decline in foreign currency reserves in 1995-96.
15. Slower monetary growth was accompanied by the deceleration in the growth of bank credit to the commercial sector to 15.7 per cent in 1995-96, compared to 23.1 per cent in 1994-95. There was a similar deceleration in the growth of scheduled commercial banks' non-food credit to 21.6 per cent in 1995-96 as compared to 29.8 per cent in the preceding year. Though non-food credit growth slowed down in 1995-96, it still grew much faster than nominal GDP and at least as fast as industrial production in rupee value. The slowdown in non-food bank credit growth in 1995-96 was compounded by a decline in other sources of finance to industry such as primary issues in the domestic equity market and GDR issues in Euro markets. Furthermore, the continued high levels of Government borrowing associated with a large and over-budget fiscal deficit kept credit markets tight and interest rates high throughout the year.
16. The credit policy for 1996-97 has targeted a monetary growth of 15.5 per cent to 16 per cent, based on a target inflation of around 6 per cent and a projected GDP growth of 6 per cent. Since CSO is now projecting higher economic growth at 6.6 per cent in 1996- 97, monetary growth targets may need to be revised upwards a little. Monetary growth during the current financial year has risen gradually, to reach an annual rate of 16.8 per cent by June 7,1996. This has happened despite a halving of the annual rate of reserve money growth from 14.8 per cent at the end of 1995-96 to 7 per cent by June 7, 1996. The reasons for higher monetary growth include a pick up in the growth of bank deposits and cumulative easing of reserve requirements, including a reduction in CRR from 14 per cent last year to 13 per cent on May 11, 1996 (partly offset by rationalisation of export refinance), and further to 12 per cent on July 6, 1996. Non-resident External (Rupee) Deposits have been exempted from CRR obligations since April, 1996.
17. The annual rate of inflation (based on the WPI) declined from 10.4 per cent at the end of 1994-95 to a low of 4.4 per cent at the end of 1995-96. This performance is not only better than the earlier expectations of an inflation rate of 7 per cent to 8 per cent by the end of 1995-96, but also lower than the forecast in the Economic Survey of 1995-96 (6 to 7 per cent). The annual rate of inflation has remained low at 4.2 per cent until June 22, 1996. The success in reducing inflation from an annual rate of 12 per cent in January 1995 to below 5 per cent in January 1996 is attributable to a combination of factors including the deceleration in monetary growth, high levels of open market sales of foodgrains, a liberal import policy, especially for essential commodities, and the surge in domestic supply associated with the acceleration of economic growth to 7 per cent. The delay in adjustment of administered prices also played a role.
18. The deceleration in growth of prices was seen in all the three sub-groups. Primary articles showed an increase of 4.1 per cent in 1995-96 which is one third of the 12.7 per cent rise recorded in the preceding year. Within this sub-group, foodgrain prices rose by 5.6 per cent compared to a substantial rise of 8.6 per cent in the preceding year. Manufactured product prices increased by 4.8 per cent in 1995-96, less than half of last year's 10.7 per cent. Prices of fuel, power, light and lubricants, which showed low increases, will rise sharply in July 1996 as a result of the adjustment in administered prices of petrol, diesel, LPG, ATF etc. By June 22, 1996 the annual growth rate of prices had declined to 3 per cent (provisional) for manufactured goods, but had accelerated to 6.3 per cent (provisional) for primary articles. The lower price increase in manufactures reflects the much smaller proportion of this sector still subject to import-export licensing and quantitative restrictions and underlines the inflation-controlling potential of a more liberal import policy. It should also be noted that the consumer price index (industrial workers) showed an increase of 8.9 per cent in 1995-96, implying an unusually wide divergence between the wholesale price index and the consumer price index.
19. According to normal practice, the Economic Survey preceded the presentation of the Interim-Budget and accounts data for 1994-95 and revised estimates for 1995-96 are available only now for a reassessment of fiscal stabilisation. Over the past five regular budgets the fiscal deficit has declined as a proportion of GDP from 8.3 per cent in 1990- 91 to a revised 5.9 per cent in 1995-96 (Table 5). Much of this decline occurred, however, in the first year. Since then the fiscal deficit has hovered around six per cent of GDP, except for 1993-94 when the fiscal deficit was 7.5 per cent. This borrowing represents the Central Government's draft on the savings available to the economy for productive investment. The 2.4 per cent reduction in the fiscal deficit has been brought about by a sharper 3.2 per cent reduction in the primary deficit (equal to fiscal deficit minus interest payments). The primary deficit represents the effort made by the Government to control the deficit, as interest payments are largely predetermined by past borrowing. Unfortunately, this reduction in the primary deficit has been partly offset by a 0.8 percentage point increase in interest payments as a proportion of GDP. This, in turn, is largely a legacy of preceding primary deficits accumulated as debt. The revenue deficit, on the other hand, has fallen only by 0.4 per cent of GDP over these five budgets, from 3.5 per cent of GDP to 3.1 per cent of GDP and remains too high for comfort.
20. The revised estimates for 1995-96 confirm the success of the strategy of tax reform pursued in the last few years. Elements of the strategy include simple and more economically rational tax structures, lower rates, wider bases and more effective tax administration. Initially, as Table 5 shows, the ratio of gross tax revenues to GDP fell from 10.8 per cent in 1990-91 to 9.5 per cent in 1993-94, after which it recovered to 10.1 per cent in 1995-96 (RE). The recovery in tax revenue collections has been spearheaded by the outstanding performance of direct taxes which increased from 2.1 per cent of GDP in 1990-91 to 3 per cent in 1995-96 (RE), with their share in gross tax collections rising from 19 per cent in 1990-91 to 29 per cent in 1995-96. The average buoyancy of personal income taxes, as measured by the ratio of change in the tax revenue to change in GDP at current prices, has risen from an average of 1.1 in 1986/87 - 1990/91 to 1.5 during 1991/92 - 1995/96 (RE). Similarly, the buoyancy of corporate income tax revenues has risen from an average of 0.8 during 1986/87 - 1990/91 to 1.7 in 1991/92 - 1995/96 (RE). The increasing role of direct taxes and the reduction in dependence on customs duties (Table 5) has enhanced both the equity and efficiency of the tax system as direct taxes are generally favoured as more progressive and customs duties are viewed as trade-distorting.
21. Banking and capital markets are areas in which reforms have continued in 1996 despite political uncertainty and change, reflecting one of the advantages of relatively autonomous regulators (RBI and SEBI). The RBI ushered in significant monetary policy changes and reforms in April and July 1996. Interest rates on domestic bank deposits above one year and on NRER deposits above two years have been de-controlled. The minimum maturity of bank time deposits has been reduced from 46 to 30 days. SLR on outstanding NRER deposits has been reduced from 30 per cent to 25 per cent. Banks are now required to mark to market 50 per cent of their investments in approved securities, up from 40 per cent earlier. The loan component of bank credit has been raised from 40 per cent to 60 per cent of maximum permissible bank finance (MPBF) for those with limits of Rs.20 crores or higher (the remaining 40 per cent stays on a cash-credit system). For those with MPBF limits of Rs.10 to 20 crores the loan component will be 40 per cent. Access to money market mutual funds (MMMFs) has been extended to corporates and others as in the case of other mutual funds. Six institutions have been given approval (effective 1st June, 1996) by RBI to become primary dealers in government securities. SEBI-approved mutual funds dedicated to government securities will receive liquidity support from RBI up to 20% of their investment. Selective credit controls have been relaxed on cotton and kapas, sugar, gur and khandsari in the context of abundant supply. Call money rates which had declined to around 11 per cent after the April, 1996 slack season credit policy, have declined further after the July policy announcements, suggesting an easing of short term liquidity. Forward exchange rates have mirrored this downtrend, reflecting improved expectations about the growth and stability of the economy and foreign exchange markets.
22. The pace of reform in the capital markets has also been maintained in 1996. The SEBI guidelines on primary issues of debt were modified to allow development finance institutions to utilise the funds raised even before the allotment/listing of the instruments. Eligibility norms were introduced to improve the quality of new issues. The track record for public issue of equity or convertible securities was, therefore, modified as follows: (a) a non-manufacturing company must have a three year dividend payment record; (b) a manufacturing company must either meet the dividend condition or have been appraised by a public financial institution/SCB which also takes a 5 per cent share in loan or equity. Extensive reforms in regulations for mutual funds have been proposed in the form of a discussion paper which has been widely discussed and commented upon. Based on these discussions existing regulations will be amended and are likely to be issued shortly.
23. New guidelines were issued for Euro issues in June 1996, carrying forward the process of liberalisation. Banks, Financial Institutions and Non Banking Finance Companies registered with the RBI were permitted access to GDR markets. GDR issue proceeds were permitted to be deployed for investments in joint ventures and wholly- owned subsidiaries in India by parent companies, in addition to end uses earlier allowed. Use of GDR proceeds for investments in stock markets and real estate were expressly banned. The end use restrictions on proceeds of foreign currency convertible bonds (FCCBs) were also liberalized. Under the new guidelines there is no limit on the number of Euro issues a company or group may float. Furthermore, the three year track record requirement of good performance by the issuing company can now be relaxed for financing investments in infrastructure sectors, such as power generation, telecom, petroleum exploration and refining, ports, airports and roads.
24. As shown in Table 6, India's balance of payments has improved considerably since the crisis at the beginning of this decade, when the current account deficit had risen to an unsustainable level of nearly $10 billion (3.2 per cent of GDP) in 1990-91 and foreign currency reserves had fallen to barely two weeks worth of imports at one point in 1991. Highlights of improvements in the external payment situation include:
1. Recovery of export growth from minus 1.1 per cent, in dollar terms, in 1991- 92 to a positive growth in the range of 18 to 20 per cent in each of the last three financial years;
2. Rise in the ratio of exports to imports to the range of 85 to 90 per cent in recent years as compared to only 60 per cent in the latter half of the 1980s;
3. Significant decline in the current account deficit from over 3 per cent of GDP in 1990-91 to much more manageable levels since then;
4. Rapid growth in annual foreign investment flows from less then $100 million in 1990-91 to the range of $4 to $5 billion in the last 3 years (1993-94, 1994-95 and 1995-96); and
5. Recovery of foreign currency reserves from around $1 billion at one point in 1991 to over $20 billion by end March 1995, though followed by a decline to $17 billion by end March 1996. By July 12, 1996 reserves had risen to $17.7 billion.
25. Although export growth remained strong at 21 per cent, in dollar terms, in 1995-96, the balance of payments came under some pressure because of the continuing surge in import growth, higher debt service on external liabilities incurred in earlier years and a decline in net portfolio investments in the form of GDR issues. Non-oil imports (DGCI&S) increased by 30 per cent for the second year in a row, reflecting the strong boom in the industrial sector since 1994-95. In 1995-96 imports of capital goods increased by over 30 per cent and imports of raw materials and components grew by almost 30 per cent, accounting for most of the import growth.
26. The continued high growth of imports in 1995-96 led to a widening of trade and current account deficits and, together with developments on the capital account, resulted in use of foreign currency reserves of nearly $3 billion. (Over the year reserves declined by $3.8 billion after accounting for valuation changes). Furthermore, the pressure on the balance of payments was also manifested in the market determined exchange rate, with the nominal rupee dollar exchange rate depreciating from a monthly average of Rs.31.4 per dollar in July 1995 to Rs.34.4 per dollar in March 1996. There were pronounced bouts of volatility in the foreign exchange market in September-October 1995 and again in January-February 1996. However, following the announcement of corrective measures by the Reserve Bank of India, the foreign exchange market stabilized at around Rs.35 per dollar up to the end of June 1996. It may be noted that with the rupee-dollar exchange rate ruling at around Rs.35.5 per dollar in the second week of July 1996 the rupee still remained appreciated in real effective exchange rate terms (with respect to India's major trading partners and after allowing for higher rates of inflation in India) by about 5 per cent as compared to March 1993 and by about 1 per cent as compared to the average for 1993-94.
27. During the first two months of 1996-97, the DGCI&S data on foreign trade indicate a significant slowing in the growth of both exports and imports. Export growth has slowed to 14.4 per cent, in dollar terms, over the first two months of 1995-96. Import growth has slowed to 23.4 per cent, with non-oil import growth slowing sharply to only 17.2 per cent and oil import growth rising dramatically to nearly 48 per cent in dollar terms. Even allowing for some special short term factors and bunching of oil import payments, it is quite clear that such high growth of the oil import bill could easily place unsustainable pressure on the balance of payments. Recent adjustments in petroleum product prices should help relieve some pressure.
28. To ease Indian industry's access to external funds the Government issued the guidelines for external commercial borrowing in June 1996 by permitting preferential access to development finance institutions, infrastructure sectors and exporters. These measures complement the liberalization of guidelines for Euro issues noted earlier. In addition, the policy stance towards foreign direct investment has also been clarified and strengthened with the restructuring of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board and the decision to establish a Foreign Investment Promotion Council.
29. The economic reforms of the past five years have brought about a strong recovery in the growth of production and employment, restored the health of our external sector and ushered in far-reaching changes in agriculture, industry, the financial sector, capital markets and the tax structure. But a great deal more remains to be done. The Economic Survey, 1995-96 and its two predecessors have clearly outlined the issues and policy priorities confronting the Indian economy. In this brief Update the key challenges and issues are reemphasized.
30. The central challenge facing the government is how to contain the net borrowing requirements of the Central Government, in other words, the fiscal deficit. Past experience has driven home the perils of a high fiscal deficit. Basically, the government's net borrowing requirements (that is, the excess of its expenditures, including net lending, over its non-debt receipts) can be financed from three broad sources:
1. borrowing from the RBI which is tantamount to printing money;
2. borrowing from non-RBI domestic sources such as banks, other financial institutions and individuals; and
3. borrowing from foreign sources such as donor governments and multilateral institutions.
31. Excess borrowing from any of these sources leads to serious economic problems. Too much borrowing from RBI leads to excessive growth of money supply which, in turn, induces high inflation and downward pressure on foreign exchange reserves and the rupee's exchange rate. Too much borrowing from non-RBI domestic sources drives up interest rates and soaks up investible funds which would have otherwise financed production and investment in industry, agriculture, infrastructure and other sectors; thus growth of output and employment are reduced. Too much borrowing from foreign sources adds to external indebtedness and heightens the risk of the kind of external payments problem which plunged the economy into crisis in 1991. Furthermore, excessive borrowing from all sources, taken together, leads to rising interest payments on government's liabilities, reduces spending available for priority social and infrastructure programmes and feeds the need for higher levels of borrowing in future.
32. The rising interest burden could reach an unsustainable level unless efforts are made to contain it through reduction of the fiscal deficit and retirement of a part of the debt. As a proportion of the revenue receipts, interest payments rose from 39 per cent in 1990-91 to 47 per cent in 1995-96. The high growth of revenue expenditure also throws up another challenge. Less money is available for capital expenditure or investment. While the share of revenue expenditure in total Central Government expenditure has increased from 69.8 per cent in 1990-91 to 78.4 per cent in 1995-96, that of capital expenditure has fallen from 30.2 per cent to 21.6 per cent.
33. In every economy there will be subsidies, some visible, some hidden. This will be particularly so in a country where there are a large number of poor people and some goods and services flowing to the poor have to be subsidised. Nevertheless, subsidies must be closely targeted, periodically scrutinised and kept under tight control. The level of major subsidies (mostly in food and fertilizers) increased from Rs.9793 crores in 1991-92 to Rs.12,550 crores in 1995-96.
34. Quite clearly, if we are to successfully pursue the goals of high economic growth, social justice, self-reliance and price stability then every effort must be made to contain the government's fiscal deficit to manageable levels. This essentially involves: raising current revenues through good tax policies, appropriate user charges for services provided by government and public agencies and adequate dividends from government equity in public enterprises; a transparent and well-designed programme of public sector disinvestment; and tight curbs on growth of non-essential or low-priority government expenditures. If we cannot do this we cannot aspire to high growth of employment, quick reduction of poverty, low inflation and a viable external sector.
35. Measures to contain and reduce the fiscal deficit will also promote public savings and, hence, overall domestic savings necessary to sustain high levels of national investment and growth. As the Economic Survey 1995-96 has pointed out "our private saving rates have been comparable to those of high performing East Asian economies. But our record of public savings has been much poorer and needs to be drastically improved." Basically, this involves reduction in revenue deficits of Central and State governments and much better financial performance of public sector enterprises which have been built with huge amounts of public investment.
36. An equally demanding challenge to India's economic development is how to provide adequate and reliable economic infrastructure services at reasonable cost and with sustainable financing and pricing policies. It must be emphasized that unless there are major improvements in this area, the momentum of growth in industry, agriculture and exports can be lost. It is no exaggeration to say that the prospects for India's social and economic development depend crucially on the performance of infrastructure sectors, such as power, roads, railways, ports, irrigation and telecommunications.
37. Bringing about the necessary improvements will entail a paradigm shift from the old public monopoly approach to one in which private providers of infrastructure services are also actively encouraged. A significant start has already been made in encouraging private providers in power, telecommunications, civil aviation, ports and roads. However much remains to be done to develop and implement viable policy frameworks and institutional structures. Independent regulatory authorities have to be established to set appropriate rates, harmonize design standards and specifications and generally promote the public interest. Transparent and workable rules and procedures for private investment and operation have to be clearly set out in each infrastructure sector. Since government-owned entities will continue to be important providers of services in most infrastructure sectors, far-reaching reforms will have to be undertaken to increase the operational efficiency and accountability of these entities and ensure application of commercial principles in their operation and financial management, including tariff policies. In many cases, major institutional reforms will also be necessary.
38. Cost-effective expansion of infrastructure sectors will require massive amounts of long-term finance. This, in turn, will require reforms of insurance and provident fund sectors and suitable policies for rapid and healthy development of markets for long-term bonds. There is also enormous scope for attracting foreign direct investment in infrastructure sectors.
39. Decades of development experience from dozens of other countries confirms our own experience that rapid, broad-based, labour-intensive growth is the surest route to alleviating poverty and giving dignity and voice to the poor. To achieve this kind of growth we need to promote high levels of domestic savings, encourage their allocation to the most productive uses through well developed financial and capital markets, ensure that our foreign trade policy promotes rapid growth of labour-intensive activities and exports in all sectors, (manufacturing, agriculture and services), reduce monopolistic elements in all markets and provide efficient infrastructure and other supporting services to all economic units, especially small scale manufacturers and small holder cultivators.
40. In addition to implementing policies for promoting employment-intensive growth, the government should strengthen programmes for primary education, primary health care, safe drinking water, housing, rural roads, public distribution system and other social services so that they are fully effective in benefitting the poorest segments of society. Such programmes for building the capacities and skills of the poor constitute effective ways of lifting them from poverty. Furthermore, existing special programmes for employment generation and poverty alleviation need to be strengthened and revamped to increase their effectiveness and reduce waste and leakages. Strong government support, financial and administrative, for these programmes is substantially dependent on maintaining rapid and sustained economic growth, which alone can yield the fiscal resources necessary for social and anti-poverty programmes.
41. With two-thirds of India's labour employed in agriculture, successive Economic Surveys have emphasized the crucial importance of broad-based agricultural growth in raising rural living standards, ensuring basic food security for the nation and strengthening the domestic market for industrial and service sectors. Above all, broad- based agricultural growth offers enormous opportunities for alleviating rural poverty through expansion of on-farm and off-farm employment. To succeed in this endeavour public policies for agriculture must continue to reduce the bias against agriculture in the overall incentive framework through reduction of protection to industry and other means, strengthen social and economic infrastructure in rural areas, revamp rural credit delivery systems and find ways to spur quick completion of ongoing irrigation projects. Irrigation and sound water-management practices will become increasingly important to the health of the rural economy as the demand for water outstrips supply. Provision and maintenance of irrigation services must be more responsive to the needs of farmers, especially small holders. At the same time beneficiary farmers must be willing to bear a reasonable proportion of the cost of irrigation services.
42. The search for strategies to accelerate the growth of employment and the rate of poverty reduction must accord due importance to the services sector. All over the world the services sector has become a dominant source of new jobs for both skilled and unskilled labour. We must review and reform policies which today hinder the expansion of job opportunities in key sectors such as construction, retail trade, tourism and a wide range of maintenance services.
43. India's economic development must harness the opportunities provided by international trade, modern technology and world capital markets. China has shown how $30 - $40 billion a year of foreign investment can be effectively harnessed for economic development without compromising sovereignty and national interest. We must swiftly reform our policies to give effect to the goal of attracting $10 billion of foreign direct investment in a year. At the same time we must remember that foreign investment, like all other capital inflows, has to be serviced. And this will require continued strong growth in our exports of goods and services. In the final analysis, policies which ensure sustained and rapid growth of our exports constitute the best guarantee of our self- reliance and the viability of our external sector.
44. To sum up, the potential for sustaining and even improving on the rapid growth of the last two years exists. But to convert this potential into reality we must pursue policies which ensure higher savings and investment, reduction in fiscal deficits at both Central and State levels of government, a sharp increase in investment in and productivity of key infrastructure sectors such as power and a sustained and rapid growth of exports.
1. The Economic Survey 1995-96 noted that India recorded one of the fastest recoveries from a macroeconomic and balance of payments crisis. It also stated that the growth achieved in the post-crisis period was a noteworthy achievement by international standards and was more sustainable than the growth in the immediate pre-crisis period. Data which has become available since then shows an even more buoyant outcome (Table 1). Overall economic growth of GDP at factor cost, after rising to 6.3 per cent in 1994-95, accelerated further to 7 per cent in 1995-96. More remarkably, this is the first time that a growth rate of this magnitude was not due to exceptional agricultural growth. Since 1970-71, there have been only five years in which the growth rate reached or exceeded 7 per cent. Every one of these years was associated with a growth rate of 10 per cent or higher in the agriculture, forestry and fishing sector. In 1995-96, not only was the growth of this sector low, at 2.4 per cent, it was lower than the average growth of the agriculture and allied sectors over the nineties. The high growth was therefore due mainly to the 11.7 per cent growth of industry and construction sector and the 7 per cent growth of the services sector (Table 2). Overall economic growth during the first four years of the Eighth Plan averaged 5.9 per cent per annum, a rate significantly higher than the Plan target of 5.6 per cent.
2. Industrial production grew by 12.4 per cent during April 1995 to February 1996, while agricultural crop production is estimated to have grown by only 0.9 per cent. The decline in foodgrain production by 0.4 per cent in 1995-96, coupled with high levels of open market sales, has reduced public food stocks from a record level of 35.6 million tonnes in July 1995 to 22.7 million tonnes in April 1996. At this level, food stocks are 50 per cent larger than the prescribed buffer stock norms. However, the watchword must be prudent and cautious management. On the inflation front, the resurgence of inflationary pressure in 1994-95 was significantly reversed in 1995-96. Inflation, as measured by the WPI, dropped from a high of about 12 per cent in January 1995 to a low of 4.2 per cent (provisional) on June 22, 1996. The recent increase in administered prices of petroleum products is likely to result in a one time jump in the rate of inflation, with a gradual tapering off to the underlying inflation rate.
3. The economic reforms have led to a marked and favourable turnaround in the performance of the external sector since the crisis of 1991. Highlights include:
1. a strong and sustained recovery in export growth;
2. a pronounced rise in the ratio of exports to imports from the level prevailing at the turn of the decade;
3. a substantial decline in the current account deficit as proportion of GDP from the unsustainable level of 3.2 per cent in 1990-91;
4. strong growth in foreign direct investment flows since 1991-92 and in foreign portfolio investment flows since 1993-94; and
5. an increase in foreign currency reserves from $2.2 billion in March 1991 to over $20 billion in March 1995 which, however, declined to $17 billion in March, 1996.
However, during 1995-96, though export growth remained buoyant at 21 per cent in dollar terms, the balance of payments came under some pressure from the continued surge in import growth (which had started in 1994-95), a substantial decline in portfolio investment flows in the form of GDRs and a sizeable increase in debt service payments on liabilities accumulated in earlier years.
4. During April-May 1996, both export and import growth have slowed from last year's pace. Exports grew by 14.4 per cent, in dollar terms, over the corresponding period of 1995, while imports grew by 23.4 per cent (DGCI&S data). The recent aggregate import growth figures, however, mask two potential trends, one positive and the other negative. While non-POL import growth at about 17.2 per cent in the first two months of 1996-97 is about half that for the corresponding period of last year, POL growth has almost tripled to 47.6 per cent. This is at least partly attributable to non-adjustment of domestic oil prices for two and a half years, delays in decontrol of energy prices and lack of fair and transparent procedures for entry of private producers in the energy sector. The apparent slowdown in the growth of exports is also a cause for concern. However, foreign investment flows have remained buoyant, with net FII inflows exceeding $1 billion in the first quarter of 1996-97. Foreign currency reserves have risen from $17.0 billion at the end of March 1996 to $17.5 billion at the end of June 1996.
5. Though no official estimates are as yet available on savings and investment performance during 1995-96, there are some early indications of likely trends. The continued high growth in capital goods production, the acceleration in the growth of cement production and the higher growth of capital goods imports in 1995-96 suggests that private fixed investment continued to grow strongly in 1995-96. Data on aggregate savings performance is not available and the indications regarding net flow of savings through the financial system is somewhat mixed. While there was continued substantial growth of commercial bank credit to the non-food commercial sector, and gross disbursements by development financial institutions also recorded a sizeable increase of 18 per cent, the amount of capital raised through the primary market issues declined by as much as 24 per cent in 1995-96 and inflows through GDRs were low.
6. The expansion in bank credit to the commercial sector would have been higher but for the continued high levels of borrowing required by the Central Government to finance its fiscal deficit, which exceeded the budget estimate of Rs.57,634 crores and rose to Rs.64,010 crores (RE) in 1995-96. The buoyant demand for investible funds by the private sector combined with continued strong need for borrowings by Government ensured that nominal interest rates remained high despite the decline in the rate of inflation observed during 1995-96. Thus, by the end of the last fiscal year, although the point-to-point rate of annual inflation had dropped below 5 per cent, most banks were still lending to prime customers at interest rates in the range of 17 to 20 per cent. Sooner or later such high real interest rates (in excess of 12 per cent) are likely to hurt the growth of investment and production. The only way to ease the availability of investible funds to producers and investors without risking the resurgence of inflation and pressure on the external sector is to reduce the borrowing requirements of Government, that is, the fiscal deficit.
7. There are also some indications that the slow pace of economic reform in key government-dominated infrastructure sectors, such as electric power, and unresolved problems and constraints in the agricultural sector could undermine the recent pattern of accelerating aggregate economic growth. Since the latter part of 1995-96 and including the first two months of 1996-97, the rate of growth of electricity production has been slowing. The rail and road transport system and port capacities are also under strain. These are areas where economic reforms have been slow to take-off. Similarly, the growth of agriculture and allied sectors which was on the low side at 2.4 per cent in 1995-96, is projected again at 2.3 per cent by CSO for 1996-97 even assuming a normal monsoon. Sustained acceleration in overall GDP growth requires an acceleration in agricultural growth to around 4 percent per year.
8. In a nutshell, sustaining the high growth trajectory attained in the last two years will require compression of the fiscal deficit, quick reforms in critical infrastructure areas, reinvigoration of agricultural growth and continued strength in the external sector.
9. Growth of agricultural crop production, which averaged over 4 per cent per annum during 1992-93 to 1994-95, slowed to 0.9 per cent in 1995-96. Foodgrains production which had risen to a new peak of 191.1 million tonnes in 1994-95 may also be marginally lower at 190.4 million tonnes in 1995-96, because of a decline in wheat output. Public food stocks which peaked at a high of 35.6 million tonnes in July 1995, declined because of open market sales by the Food Corporation of India. In April 1996, at 22.7 million tonnes, they remain, however, over 50 per cent larger than the buffer stock norm. Reform of customs tariffs, trade policy and the exchange rate system have substantially reduced the bias against agriculture and thus improved the relative profitability of agriculture. More directly, increases in procurement and minimum support prices of foodgrains and freeing of some controls on domestic and international trade in agricultural commodities have improved incentives and widened the opportunities open to farmers. During the year 1995-96, 5.6 million tonnes of rice were exported. All this has contributed to an improvement in the terms of trade for agriculture. Studies by the Commission on Agricultural Cost and Prices show that the index of terms of trade (with base 1969-72) improved significantly from 89.9 in 1990-91 to 98.7 in 1994-95.
10. Investment in agriculture remains an area of concern and could be a significant part of the explanation for the recent growth slowdown. Though improved incentives for the agricultural sector as a whole have played a role in generating an average growth in crop production of 3.4 per cent per annum during the past four years, the slowdown of production growth to 0.9 per cent in 1995-96, despite a normal monsoon, is a cause for concern.
11. One significant problem confronting agriculture, namely the distorted pattern of farmgate prices for three kinds of fertilizer (nitrogenous, phosphatic and potassic) was addressed in early July, 1996 through increases in the subsidy (per tonne) of phosphatic and potassic fertilizers. This should help in moving the NPK application pattern from the current distorted ratio of 9:3:1 towards the more ideal pattern of 4:2:1.
12. The strength of industrial growth throughout 1995-96 has been confirmed by data which has become available since the Economic Survey 1995-96 was written. The acceleration in growth has been maintained, with the growth of 9.3 per cent in 1994-95 followed by 12.4 per cent during 1995-96 (April-February, over corresponding period of the previous year). The capital goods sector maintained its position as an important contributor to the industrial surge with a growth rate of 20.4 per cent during 1995-96 (April-February), on top of the 1994-95 growth of 24.9 per cent (Table 3). Industrial growth has not only been high during the last two years but has also been broad-based. In 1994-95, the growth of 9.3 per cent in the general index of industrial production (IIP) was due to a growth of 9.7 per cent in manufacturing, 8.5 per cent in electricity generation and 7.3 per cent in mining and quarrying. During April-February, 1995-96, overall growth of 12.4 per cent was due to a growth of 13.9 per cent in manufacturing, 8.3 per cent in electricity and 7.4 per cent in mining. A similar growth profile is mirrored in the "use-based classification", where this overall growth in April-February, 1995-96 has come from a 20.4 per cent growth in capital goods, 12.9 per cent growth in consumer goods, 9 per cent growth in basic goods and 10.3 per cent in intermediate goods.
13. Though the performance of the core sector, which was quite satisfactory during 1994-95, has been sustained in 1995-96, a few areas of potential concern have emerged. In 1995-96 electricity, coal, steel, cement, crude oil and petroleum products, with a combined weight of 28.8 per cent in IIP, showed a growth rate of 7.7 per cent, compared with 7.8 per cent in 1994-95 (Table 4). Electricity generation grew by 8.2 per cent, crude oil by 7.2 per cent, coal by 6.4 per cent, saleable steel by 8.9 per cent and cement by 11.2 per cent. The rates of growth of coal and cement have accelerated, while those of electricity and crude oil have declined, in both 1995-96 and 1996-97 (April-May). The IIP for electricity generation shows a sharp drop in annual (point-to-point) growth from August-September 1995 onwards, dropping to 5.1 per cent in the third quarter of 1995-96, but recovering marginally to 5.8 per cent in January-February 1996. Electricity generation has continued to decline in 1996-97, with only a 3.6 per cent growth in April-May 1996. Though the deceleration of growth in 1995-96 and 1996-97 is due primarily to reduced hydro-electric generation (-12.5 per cent and -16.2 per cent respectively), this again points to the urgency of power sector reform. Crude oil production actually declined by 7.7 per cent in April-May 1996-97 over the corresponding period of 1995-96. Infrastructure sectors not included in the IIP showed satisfactory performance in 1995-96, with new telephone connections growing by 20.8 per cent, cargo handled at major ports by 9 per cent and revenue generating traffic of the railways by 7 per cent. During 1996-97 (April-May), the growth rates of these sectors have been 16.1 per cent, 11.1 per cent and 7.4 per cent, respectively.
14. Monetary management in 1995-96 achieved the twin objectives of reducing the annual inflation rate and providing credit support for production. Money supply (M3) growth was reduced to 13 per cent in 1995-96 (from 22.3 per cent in 1994-95) taking March 31, 1995 as the base1. The slower monetary expansion is partly attributable to the higher base but also to the unusually slow growth in bank deposits and partly to the decline in reserve money growth to 14.8 per cent (from 22.1 per cent in 1994-95). This deceleration occurred despite a sharp expansion in net RBI credit to Central Government by 25.1 per cent. As a result of rising private demand for credit, banks which had an excess (over SLR requirements) holding of Government and other approved securities, contributed only Rs.14,766 crores to the market borrowing of the Government compared to a contribution of Rs.16,323 crores in 1994-95. This necessitated sizable support by the RBI to market borrowing of the Government, which, in turn, increased the growth of net RBI credit to the Centre. The resulting growth in reserve money would have been much higher but for the reduction in net foreign assets of the RBI associated with the $3.8 billion decline in foreign currency reserves in 1995-96.
15. Slower monetary growth was accompanied by the deceleration in the growth of bank credit to the commercial sector to 15.7 per cent in 1995-96, compared to 23.1 per cent in 1994-95. There was a similar deceleration in the growth of scheduled commercial banks' non-food credit to 21.6 per cent in 1995-96 as compared to 29.8 per cent in the preceding year. Though non-food credit growth slowed down in 1995-96, it still grew much faster than nominal GDP and at least as fast as industrial production in rupee value. The slowdown in non-food bank credit growth in 1995-96 was compounded by a decline in other sources of finance to industry such as primary issues in the domestic equity market and GDR issues in Euro markets. Furthermore, the continued high levels of Government borrowing associated with a large and over-budget fiscal deficit kept credit markets tight and interest rates high throughout the year.
16. The credit policy for 1996-97 has targeted a monetary growth of 15.5 per cent to 16 per cent, based on a target inflation of around 6 per cent and a projected GDP growth of 6 per cent. Since CSO is now projecting higher economic growth at 6.6 per cent in 1996- 97, monetary growth targets may need to be revised upwards a little. Monetary growth during the current financial year has risen gradually, to reach an annual rate of 16.8 per cent by June 7,1996. This has happened despite a halving of the annual rate of reserve money growth from 14.8 per cent at the end of 1995-96 to 7 per cent by June 7, 1996. The reasons for higher monetary growth include a pick up in the growth of bank deposits and cumulative easing of reserve requirements, including a reduction in CRR from 14 per cent last year to 13 per cent on May 11, 1996 (partly offset by rationalisation of export refinance), and further to 12 per cent on July 6, 1996. Non-resident External (Rupee) Deposits have been exempted from CRR obligations since April, 1996.
17. The annual rate of inflation (based on the WPI) declined from 10.4 per cent at the end of 1994-95 to a low of 4.4 per cent at the end of 1995-96. This performance is not only better than the earlier expectations of an inflation rate of 7 per cent to 8 per cent by the end of 1995-96, but also lower than the forecast in the Economic Survey of 1995-96 (6 to 7 per cent). The annual rate of inflation has remained low at 4.2 per cent until June 22, 1996. The success in reducing inflation from an annual rate of 12 per cent in January 1995 to below 5 per cent in January 1996 is attributable to a combination of factors including the deceleration in monetary growth, high levels of open market sales of foodgrains, a liberal import policy, especially for essential commodities, and the surge in domestic supply associated with the acceleration of economic growth to 7 per cent. The delay in adjustment of administered prices also played a role.
18. The deceleration in growth of prices was seen in all the three sub-groups. Primary articles showed an increase of 4.1 per cent in 1995-96 which is one third of the 12.7 per cent rise recorded in the preceding year. Within this sub-group, foodgrain prices rose by 5.6 per cent compared to a substantial rise of 8.6 per cent in the preceding year. Manufactured product prices increased by 4.8 per cent in 1995-96, less than half of last year's 10.7 per cent. Prices of fuel, power, light and lubricants, which showed low increases, will rise sharply in July 1996 as a result of the adjustment in administered prices of petrol, diesel, LPG, ATF etc. By June 22, 1996 the annual growth rate of prices had declined to 3 per cent (provisional) for manufactured goods, but had accelerated to 6.3 per cent (provisional) for primary articles. The lower price increase in manufactures reflects the much smaller proportion of this sector still subject to import-export licensing and quantitative restrictions and underlines the inflation-controlling potential of a more liberal import policy. It should also be noted that the consumer price index (industrial workers) showed an increase of 8.9 per cent in 1995-96, implying an unusually wide divergence between the wholesale price index and the consumer price index.
19. According to normal practice, the Economic Survey preceded the presentation of the Interim-Budget and accounts data for 1994-95 and revised estimates for 1995-96 are available only now for a reassessment of fiscal stabilisation. Over the past five regular budgets the fiscal deficit has declined as a proportion of GDP from 8.3 per cent in 1990- 91 to a revised 5.9 per cent in 1995-96 (Table 5). Much of this decline occurred, however, in the first year. Since then the fiscal deficit has hovered around six per cent of GDP, except for 1993-94 when the fiscal deficit was 7.5 per cent. This borrowing represents the Central Government's draft on the savings available to the economy for productive investment. The 2.4 per cent reduction in the fiscal deficit has been brought about by a sharper 3.2 per cent reduction in the primary deficit (equal to fiscal deficit minus interest payments). The primary deficit represents the effort made by the Government to control the deficit, as interest payments are largely predetermined by past borrowing. Unfortunately, this reduction in the primary deficit has been partly offset by a 0.8 percentage point increase in interest payments as a proportion of GDP. This, in turn, is largely a legacy of preceding primary deficits accumulated as debt. The revenue deficit, on the other hand, has fallen only by 0.4 per cent of GDP over these five budgets, from 3.5 per cent of GDP to 3.1 per cent of GDP and remains too high for comfort.
20. The revised estimates for 1995-96 confirm the success of the strategy of tax reform pursued in the last few years. Elements of the strategy include simple and more economically rational tax structures, lower rates, wider bases and more effective tax administration. Initially, as Table 5 shows, the ratio of gross tax revenues to GDP fell from 10.8 per cent in 1990-91 to 9.5 per cent in 1993-94, after which it recovered to 10.1 per cent in 1995-96 (RE). The recovery in tax revenue collections has been spearheaded by the outstanding performance of direct taxes which increased from 2.1 per cent of GDP in 1990-91 to 3 per cent in 1995-96 (RE), with their share in gross tax collections rising from 19 per cent in 1990-91 to 29 per cent in 1995-96. The average buoyancy of personal income taxes, as measured by the ratio of change in the tax revenue to change in GDP at current prices, has risen from an average of 1.1 in 1986/87 - 1990/91 to 1.5 during 1991/92 - 1995/96 (RE). Similarly, the buoyancy of corporate income tax revenues has risen from an average of 0.8 during 1986/87 - 1990/91 to 1.7 in 1991/92 - 1995/96 (RE). The increasing role of direct taxes and the reduction in dependence on customs duties (Table 5) has enhanced both the equity and efficiency of the tax system as direct taxes are generally favoured as more progressive and customs duties are viewed as trade-distorting.
21. Banking and capital markets are areas in which reforms have continued in 1996 despite political uncertainty and change, reflecting one of the advantages of relatively autonomous regulators (RBI and SEBI). The RBI ushered in significant monetary policy changes and reforms in April and July 1996. Interest rates on domestic bank deposits above one year and on NRER deposits above two years have been de-controlled. The minimum maturity of bank time deposits has been reduced from 46 to 30 days. SLR on outstanding NRER deposits has been reduced from 30 per cent to 25 per cent. Banks are now required to mark to market 50 per cent of their investments in approved securities, up from 40 per cent earlier. The loan component of bank credit has been raised from 40 per cent to 60 per cent of maximum permissible bank finance (MPBF) for those with limits of Rs.20 crores or higher (the remaining 40 per cent stays on a cash-credit system). For those with MPBF limits of Rs.10 to 20 crores the loan component will be 40 per cent. Access to money market mutual funds (MMMFs) has been extended to corporates and others as in the case of other mutual funds. Six institutions have been given approval (effective 1st June, 1996) by RBI to become primary dealers in government securities. SEBI-approved mutual funds dedicated to government securities will receive liquidity support from RBI up to 20% of their investment. Selective credit controls have been relaxed on cotton and kapas, sugar, gur and khandsari in the context of abundant supply. Call money rates which had declined to around 11 per cent after the April, 1996 slack season credit policy, have declined further after the July policy announcements, suggesting an easing of short term liquidity. Forward exchange rates have mirrored this downtrend, reflecting improved expectations about the growth and stability of the economy and foreign exchange markets.
22. The pace of reform in the capital markets has also been maintained in 1996. The SEBI guidelines on primary issues of debt were modified to allow development finance institutions to utilise the funds raised even before the allotment/listing of the instruments. Eligibility norms were introduced to improve the quality of new issues. The track record for public issue of equity or convertible securities was, therefore, modified as follows: (a) a non-manufacturing company must have a three year dividend payment record; (b) a manufacturing company must either meet the dividend condition or have been appraised by a public financial institution/SCB which also takes a 5 per cent share in loan or equity. Extensive reforms in regulations for mutual funds have been proposed in the form of a discussion paper which has been widely discussed and commented upon. Based on these discussions existing regulations will be amended and are likely to be issued shortly.
23. New guidelines were issued for Euro issues in June 1996, carrying forward the process of liberalisation. Banks, Financial Institutions and Non Banking Finance Companies registered with the RBI were permitted access to GDR markets. GDR issue proceeds were permitted to be deployed for investments in joint ventures and wholly- owned subsidiaries in India by parent companies, in addition to end uses earlier allowed. Use of GDR proceeds for investments in stock markets and real estate were expressly banned. The end use restrictions on proceeds of foreign currency convertible bonds (FCCBs) were also liberalized. Under the new guidelines there is no limit on the number of Euro issues a company or group may float. Furthermore, the three year track record requirement of good performance by the issuing company can now be relaxed for financing investments in infrastructure sectors, such as power generation, telecom, petroleum exploration and refining, ports, airports and roads.
24. As shown in Table 6, India's balance of payments has improved considerably since the crisis at the beginning of this decade, when the current account deficit had risen to an unsustainable level of nearly $10 billion (3.2 per cent of GDP) in 1990-91 and foreign currency reserves had fallen to barely two weeks worth of imports at one point in 1991. Highlights of improvements in the external payment situation include:
1. Recovery of export growth from minus 1.1 per cent, in dollar terms, in 1991- 92 to a positive growth in the range of 18 to 20 per cent in each of the last three financial years;
2. Rise in the ratio of exports to imports to the range of 85 to 90 per cent in recent years as compared to only 60 per cent in the latter half of the 1980s;
3. Significant decline in the current account deficit from over 3 per cent of GDP in 1990-91 to much more manageable levels since then;
4. Rapid growth in annual foreign investment flows from less then $100 million in 1990-91 to the range of $4 to $5 billion in the last 3 years (1993-94, 1994-95 and 1995-96); and
5. Recovery of foreign currency reserves from around $1 billion at one point in 1991 to over $20 billion by end March 1995, though followed by a decline to $17 billion by end March 1996. By July 12, 1996 reserves had risen to $17.7 billion.
25. Although export growth remained strong at 21 per cent, in dollar terms, in 1995-96, the balance of payments came under some pressure because of the continuing surge in import growth, higher debt service on external liabilities incurred in earlier years and a decline in net portfolio investments in the form of GDR issues. Non-oil imports (DGCI&S) increased by 30 per cent for the second year in a row, reflecting the strong boom in the industrial sector since 1994-95. In 1995-96 imports of capital goods increased by over 30 per cent and imports of raw materials and components grew by almost 30 per cent, accounting for most of the import growth.
26. The continued high growth of imports in 1995-96 led to a widening of trade and current account deficits and, together with developments on the capital account, resulted in use of foreign currency reserves of nearly $3 billion. (Over the year reserves declined by $3.8 billion after accounting for valuation changes). Furthermore, the pressure on the balance of payments was also manifested in the market determined exchange rate, with the nominal rupee dollar exchange rate depreciating from a monthly average of Rs.31.4 per dollar in July 1995 to Rs.34.4 per dollar in March 1996. There were pronounced bouts of volatility in the foreign exchange market in September-October 1995 and again in January-February 1996. However, following the announcement of corrective measures by the Reserve Bank of India, the foreign exchange market stabilized at around Rs.35 per dollar up to the end of June 1996. It may be noted that with the rupee-dollar exchange rate ruling at around Rs.35.5 per dollar in the second week of July 1996 the rupee still remained appreciated in real effective exchange rate terms (with respect to India's major trading partners and after allowing for higher rates of inflation in India) by about 5 per cent as compared to March 1993 and by about 1 per cent as compared to the average for 1993-94.
27. During the first two months of 1996-97, the DGCI&S data on foreign trade indicate a significant slowing in the growth of both exports and imports. Export growth has slowed to 14.4 per cent, in dollar terms, over the first two months of 1995-96. Import growth has slowed to 23.4 per cent, with non-oil import growth slowing sharply to only 17.2 per cent and oil import growth rising dramatically to nearly 48 per cent in dollar terms. Even allowing for some special short term factors and bunching of oil import payments, it is quite clear that such high growth of the oil import bill could easily place unsustainable pressure on the balance of payments. Recent adjustments in petroleum product prices should help relieve some pressure.
28. To ease Indian industry's access to external funds the Government issued the guidelines for external commercial borrowing in June 1996 by permitting preferential access to development finance institutions, infrastructure sectors and exporters. These measures complement the liberalization of guidelines for Euro issues noted earlier. In addition, the policy stance towards foreign direct investment has also been clarified and strengthened with the restructuring of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board and the decision to establish a Foreign Investment Promotion Council.
29. The economic reforms of the past five years have brought about a strong recovery in the growth of production and employment, restored the health of our external sector and ushered in far-reaching changes in agriculture, industry, the financial sector, capital markets and the tax structure. But a great deal more remains to be done. The Economic Survey, 1995-96 and its two predecessors have clearly outlined the issues and policy priorities confronting the Indian economy. In this brief Update the key challenges and issues are reemphasized.
30. The central challenge facing the government is how to contain the net borrowing requirements of the Central Government, in other words, the fiscal deficit. Past experience has driven home the perils of a high fiscal deficit. Basically, the government's net borrowing requirements (that is, the excess of its expenditures, including net lending, over its non-debt receipts) can be financed from three broad sources:
1. borrowing from the RBI which is tantamount to printing money;
2. borrowing from non-RBI domestic sources such as banks, other financial institutions and individuals; and
3. borrowing from foreign sources such as donor governments and multilateral institutions.
31. Excess borrowing from any of these sources leads to serious economic problems. Too much borrowing from RBI leads to excessive growth of money supply which, in turn, induces high inflation and downward pressure on foreign exchange reserves and the rupee's exchange rate. Too much borrowing from non-RBI domestic sources drives up interest rates and soaks up investible funds which would have otherwise financed production and investment in industry, agriculture, infrastructure and other sectors; thus growth of output and employment are reduced. Too much borrowing from foreign sources adds to external indebtedness and heightens the risk of the kind of external payments problem which plunged the economy into crisis in 1991. Furthermore, excessive borrowing from all sources, taken together, leads to rising interest payments on government's liabilities, reduces spending available for priority social and infrastructure programmes and feeds the need for higher levels of borrowing in future.
32. The rising interest burden could reach an unsustainable level unless efforts are made to contain it through reduction of the fiscal deficit and retirement of a part of the debt. As a proportion of the revenue receipts, interest payments rose from 39 per cent in 1990-91 to 47 per cent in 1995-96. The high growth of revenue expenditure also throws up another challenge. Less money is available for capital expenditure or investment. While the share of revenue expenditure in total Central Government expenditure has increased from 69.8 per cent in 1990-91 to 78.4 per cent in 1995-96, that of capital expenditure has fallen from 30.2 per cent to 21.6 per cent.
33. In every economy there will be subsidies, some visible, some hidden. This will be particularly so in a country where there are a large number of poor people and some goods and services flowing to the poor have to be subsidised. Nevertheless, subsidies must be closely targeted, periodically scrutinised and kept under tight control. The level of major subsidies (mostly in food and fertilizers) increased from Rs.9793 crores in 1991-92 to Rs.12,550 crores in 1995-96.
34. Quite clearly, if we are to successfully pursue the goals of high economic growth, social justice, self-reliance and price stability then every effort must be made to contain the government's fiscal deficit to manageable levels. This essentially involves: raising current revenues through good tax policies, appropriate user charges for services provided by government and public agencies and adequate dividends from government equity in public enterprises; a transparent and well-designed programme of public sector disinvestment; and tight curbs on growth of non-essential or low-priority government expenditures. If we cannot do this we cannot aspire to high growth of employment, quick reduction of poverty, low inflation and a viable external sector.
35. Measures to contain and reduce the fiscal deficit will also promote public savings and, hence, overall domestic savings necessary to sustain high levels of national investment and growth. As the Economic Survey 1995-96 has pointed out "our private saving rates have been comparable to those of high performing East Asian economies. But our record of public savings has been much poorer and needs to be drastically improved." Basically, this involves reduction in revenue deficits of Central and State governments and much better financial performance of public sector enterprises which have been built with huge amounts of public investment.
36. An equally demanding challenge to India's economic development is how to provide adequate and reliable economic infrastructure services at reasonable cost and with sustainable financing and pricing policies. It must be emphasized that unless there are major improvements in this area, the momentum of growth in industry, agriculture and exports can be lost. It is no exaggeration to say that the prospects for India's social and economic development depend crucially on the performance of infrastructure sectors, such as power, roads, railways, ports, irrigation and telecommunications.
37. Bringing about the necessary improvements will entail a paradigm shift from the old public monopoly approach to one in which private providers of infrastructure services are also actively encouraged. A significant start has already been made in encouraging private providers in power, telecommunications, civil aviation, ports and roads. However much remains to be done to develop and implement viable policy frameworks and institutional structures. Independent regulatory authorities have to be established to set appropriate rates, harmonize design standards and specifications and generally promote the public interest. Transparent and workable rules and procedures for private investment and operation have to be clearly set out in each infrastructure sector. Since government-owned entities will continue to be important providers of services in most infrastructure sectors, far-reaching reforms will have to be undertaken to increase the operational efficiency and accountability of these entities and ensure application of commercial principles in their operation and financial management, including tariff policies. In many cases, major institutional reforms will also be necessary.
38. Cost-effective expansion of infrastructure sectors will require massive amounts of long-term finance. This, in turn, will require reforms of insurance and provident fund sectors and suitable policies for rapid and healthy development of markets for long-term bonds. There is also enormous scope for attracting foreign direct investment in infrastructure sectors.
39. Decades of development experience from dozens of other countries confirms our own experience that rapid, broad-based, labour-intensive growth is the surest route to alleviating poverty and giving dignity and voice to the poor. To achieve this kind of growth we need to promote high levels of domestic savings, encourage their allocation to the most productive uses through well developed financial and capital markets, ensure that our foreign trade policy promotes rapid growth of labour-intensive activities and exports in all sectors, (manufacturing, agriculture and services), reduce monopolistic elements in all markets and provide efficient infrastructure and other supporting services to all economic units, especially small scale manufacturers and small holder cultivators.
40. In addition to implementing policies for promoting employment-intensive growth, the government should strengthen programmes for primary education, primary health care, safe drinking water, housing, rural roads, public distribution system and other social services so that they are fully effective in benefitting the poorest segments of society. Such programmes for building the capacities and skills of the poor constitute effective ways of lifting them from poverty. Furthermore, existing special programmes for employment generation and poverty alleviation need to be strengthened and revamped to increase their effectiveness and reduce waste and leakages. Strong government support, financial and administrative, for these programmes is substantially dependent on maintaining rapid and sustained economic growth, which alone can yield the fiscal resources necessary for social and anti-poverty programmes.
41. With two-thirds of India's labour employed in agriculture, successive Economic Surveys have emphasized the crucial importance of broad-based agricultural growth in raising rural living standards, ensuring basic food security for the nation and strengthening the domestic market for industrial and service sectors. Above all, broad- based agricultural growth offers enormous opportunities for alleviating rural poverty through expansion of on-farm and off-farm employment. To succeed in this endeavour public policies for agriculture must continue to reduce the bias against agriculture in the overall incentive framework through reduction of protection to industry and other means, strengthen social and economic infrastructure in rural areas, revamp rural credit delivery systems and find ways to spur quick completion of ongoing irrigation projects. Irrigation and sound water-management practices will become increasingly important to the health of the rural economy as the demand for water outstrips supply. Provision and maintenance of irrigation services must be more responsive to the needs of farmers, especially small holders. At the same time beneficiary farmers must be willing to bear a reasonable proportion of the cost of irrigation services.
42. The search for strategies to accelerate the growth of employment and the rate of poverty reduction must accord due importance to the services sector. All over the world the services sector has become a dominant source of new jobs for both skilled and unskilled labour. We must review and reform policies which today hinder the expansion of job opportunities in key sectors such as construction, retail trade, tourism and a wide range of maintenance services.
43. India's economic development must harness the opportunities provided by international trade, modern technology and world capital markets. China has shown how $30 - $40 billion a year of foreign investment can be effectively harnessed for economic development without compromising sovereignty and national interest. We must swiftly reform our policies to give effect to the goal of attracting $10 billion of foreign direct investment in a year. At the same time we must remember that foreign investment, like all other capital inflows, has to be serviced. And this will require continued strong growth in our exports of goods and services. In the final analysis, policies which ensure sustained and rapid growth of our exports constitute the best guarantee of our self- reliance and the viability of our external sector.
44. To sum up, the potential for sustaining and even improving on the rapid growth of the last two years exists. But to convert this potential into reality we must pursue policies which ensure higher savings and investment, reduction in fiscal deficits at both Central and State levels of government, a sharp increase in investment in and productivity of key infrastructure sectors such as power and a sustained and rapid growth of exports.
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